47号掲載論文の要旨
国際基督教大学キリスト教と文化研究所発行
国際基督教大学学報 IV-B
『人文科学研究（キリスト教と文化）』
International Christian University Publication IV-B
Humanities: Christianity and Culture
バトラー道徳哲学における人間本性──バトラーとヒューム──. . . . . . 矢嶋 直規
['Human Nature' in Butler's Moral Philosophy: Butler and Hume. . . . . . Naoki Yajima]
本稿は、ヒューム道徳哲学成立に果たしたバトラーの人間本性概念の意義を検討することを目的とする。バトラーにおいて神による自然の統治と人間の道徳的統治が類比的に扱われている。自然と道徳の統一はヒューム哲学を貫く根本的な主題である。ヒューム道徳哲学は、合理論と道徳感情論の対立また人間本性の道徳性をめぐる性善説と性悪説の対立を時代的背景として成立した。ヒュームはその論争にバトラーが論じた人間本性そのものの解明を目指す立場から決着をつけようとした。この点でバトラーはヒュームが目指した「人間の科学」の成立に重要な手がかりを提供している。本稿で私はバトラーの道徳哲学の基本構造を明らかにし、ヒュームとバトラーの議論の親近性と影響関係を具体的に指摘することで、ヒュームの「人間の自然（本性）」がバトラーの統一的な人間本性の理論を引き継ぐものであることを示す。その過程で両者の理論がともに道徳と自己利益の一致を論証していることが明らかになる。こうして本稿では、ヒュームがバトラーの「習慣」概念を批判的に発展させることで、良心論を中心とするバトラーの神学的道徳論を神と良心の存在を前提としない世俗的道徳論へと転換したことが論じられる。
髪を梳く女傑──サルッツォのマンタ城壁画と『名婦伝』のセミラミス──. . . . . . 伊藤 亜紀
[L'eroina che si pettina: Semiramide negli affreschi del Castello della Manta a Saluzzo e nel De mulieribus claris. . . . . . Aki Ito]
サルッツォのマンタ城サーラ・バロナーレに描かれた《九人の英雄と九人の女傑》（1420年頃）は、サルッツォ侯爵トンマーゾ3世（1356?-1416年）による教訓的騎士道文学作品『遍歴の騎士』の登場人物である。そのひとり、二本の槍をもつアッシリア女王セミラミスの姿は、ボッカッチョの『名婦伝』（1361-1362年頃）などで伝えられてきた「男勝りの烈女」や「息子と交わった淫婦」という彼女の本質を説明するものではない。
しかしその右隣にいるエティオペの、長い金髪を梳く仕種は、ウァレリウス・マクシムスの『著名言行録』（1世紀）が語る、女王が身繕いの最中にバビロニア陥落の報せを受け、すべてを擲って戦に身を投じたという逸話に合致する。そしてこのセミラミス像は、ギヨーム・ド・マショー『真実の書』写本（1390-1400年頃、フランス国立図書館所蔵ms. fr. 22545）や『遍歴の騎士』写本（1403-1404年、フランス国立図書館所蔵ms. fr. 12559）にもすでに見られる。ジェンティーレは、マンタにおけるセミラミスとエティオペの図像の取り違えは、画家が壁画制作にあたって直接手本にした図に起因すると考えた。一方デベルナルディは、『遍歴の騎士』におけるセミラミスとエティオペの詩節が、本来一続きのものであったとみなし、マンタのセミラミスは実際はアマゾネスのメナリッペ、そしてエティオペこそセミラミスであるとした。たしかにエティオペの皇帝冠や宝玉、そして「青地に三つの金の玉座」という、フランス王家と同じ配色の紋章は、彼女が9人の女傑のなかでも特別な存在であることを示している。さらにアーミンで裏打ちされた黄金の縁取りのマントは、下に着た女性の服を覆い隠し、その男性的気質を強調する役割を果たしている。
ウァレリウス・マクシムスが語り、ボッカッチョが加筆し、そしてフランスの写本挿絵で視覚化された「髪を梳く女傑」は、代々フランスとの政治的な繋がりを強化し、その文化の影響を色濃く受けてきたサルッツォで、再度大規模に描かれた。しかしこの雄々しくも女性としての身嗜みを忘れないというイメージは、必ずしもセミラミスに限定されたわけではなく、15世紀半ばには他の女傑にも共有されることになる。
From Superstition to Enlightenment: Wordsworth's Antiquarian and Virtuoso Selves in the Ecclesiastical Sketches. . . . . . Christopher E. J. Simons
This paper explores the antiquarian contexts of the opening sonnets in the first edition of William Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Sketches (1822). The first section of the Sketches explores the period from pre-Christian Britain to Norman Britain, including the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons. The paper looks at the language of the first five poems in this section, comparing their language and imagery to Wordsworth's antiquarian sources. During the composition of these poems, Wordsworth was impatiently waiting for a package of books to add historical research to his writing. Evaluating which sonnets may have been composed with access to which antiquarian sources provides insight into Wordsworth's parallel deployment of scholastic antiquarianism and Enlightenment scepticism. The paper argues that reading the Sketches for tensions between two streams of intellectual history--scholastic antiquarianism and Enlightenment virtuosity--illuminates important tensions in Wordsworth's creative mind during the period of composition. The paper hypothesises that (a) tensions between antiquarian and Enlightenment knowledge in the Sketches shape their representations of self and mind; and similarly, that (b) tensions between the texts' religious and intellectual convictions affect how the poems represent historical shifts between scholasticism and naturalism (antiquity and Enlightenment) in British history. Close readings of the first five sonnets in the Sketches, in the biographical context of what antiquarian sources Wordsworth had available to him during composition, allow us to draw conclusions as to how much Wordsworth depended on his antiquarian reading, and how much he resisted or rejected the arguments of these sources. The paper concludes that Wordsworth's use of seventeenth-century and contemporary antiquarian sources such as Thomas Fuller's The Church-History of Britain (1655) and Edward Davies' Celtic Researches (1804) shows two opposite creative tendencies in the Sketches: (a) Wordsworth reading antiquarian sources but writing against them; and (b) Wordsworth not having access to antiquarian sources, and feeling that he cannot write 'historically' without them. As a productive result of these opposing impulses, Wordsworth sometimes turns to memory (including both biography and earlier antiquarian reading) for inspiration, and produces a more aesthetically vigorous, optimistic portrait of ancient religion in Britain.
"Le parti de Sarah" : Ou ce qui se donne à lire dans les marges d'un hommage (Derrida lecteur de Sarah Kofman). . . . . . Olivier Ammour-Mayeur
En 1997, Les Cahiers du Grif publient un volume collectif en hommage à la philosophe Sarah Kofman, disparue en 1994. Jacques Derrida, qui était l'un de ses proches, y publie un texte tournant autour de la question de la mort et de la dette. Dette qu'il aurait eu envers Kofman, ou qu'ils auraient eu l'un envers l'autre.
La singularité de l'intervention de Derrida réside dans le fait que ce texte a été publié sans titre ; le philosophe expliquant d'emblée qu'il n'a pas été capable d'en trouver un qui lui paraisse adéquat afin de rendre homage comme il le souhaitait à l'amie disparue.
Mon article entend montrer en quoi cette absence de titre, loin d'être anecdotique, constitue le fondement de l'argument philosophique du texte de Derrida lui-même. Et que l'ensemble du texte entre en écho avec d'autres textes derridiens tournant autour de la question du don et du contre-don en amitié, comme en régime de pensée.
Par suite, c'est toute la question des genres sexués qui se trouve relancée à nouveaux frais, à travers les emboitements conceptuels auxquels s'emploie le philosophe au cours de son hommage ; dans lequel Derrida aurait aimé, sans y parvenir pleinement, selon lui, à parler de Sarah Kofman et à lui rendre l'hommage qu'elle méritait.
乾山焼 画讃様式の研究（一）──山水・人物・禽獣──. . . . . . リチャード・ウィルソン， 小笠原 佐江子
[Iconography of Kenzan Ware: Chinese Poetic Themes (1): Landscapes, Human Figures, and Animals. . . . . . Richard L. Wilson and Saeko Ogasawara]
A revolutionary ceramic product, one that looked more like a painting than a pot, made its debut in Kyoto in the opening years of the eighteenth century. These rectilinear dishes and trays were decorated with monochrome painting, poetic inscriptions, and personal signatures. The designer and frequently the calligrapher for these works, Ogata Kenzan (1663-1743), understood the codes of poetry, painting, and writing that had evolved in China and Japan. His knowledge was mediated by the reproduction of those codes in contemporary painting and especially in illustrated literature. His products were functional ceramics, which means that these images had now migrated from the tokonoma to the tatami, so to speak; at the same time, the decidedly "non-ceramic" shapes and impromptu painting-poetry provided the work with a performative aura that resonated with the consumers, specifically that segment of the population who, from the 1680s, had begun to learn Chinese and use it in their pastimes.
This article is the first of two installments that survey this genre of Kenzan ware, hich the authors call the "gasan" style after the Chinese expression for inscribed aintings, or hua zan. Kenzan-ware gasan ceramics from the Narutaki (1699-1712) and Nijo-Shogoin workshops (1712-mid-18th century) are the focus. Judging from the number of surviving works, the style was remarkably popular, and it came to be mass produced at Shogoin, first under Kenzan himself and then under his adopted son and successor Ogata Ihachi (dates unknown).
This installment on Kenzan-ware gasan treats landscape, human figures, and animal subjects. The article begins by reviewing the Chinese locus classicus for the combined arts of poetry, painting, and calligraphy, with special attention to the way in which this synthesis articulated the values of the scholar-official class. A discussion of the appropriation of that tradition in Japan follows.
In the data section, surviving works and archaeological specimens are studied in terms of their inscriptions, including sources and meanings, and painted decoration, including styles and lineages. Landscape themes are the most numerous, and they divide into panoramic scenes descended from the Xiao and Xiang river tradition (J: Shosho hakkei) and close-up views of "pavilion landscapes" (J: Rokaku sansui). The former type, which occurs most frequently in Kenzan's first decade of production, features full-length poems and rather detailed painting in the Kano style. The latter type, which is common to Kenzan's later production and also the work of his adopted son Ogata Ihachi, typically features single-line excerpts and highly abbreviated, often amateurish painting.
Figural themes constitute the second category. Here too the subject matter is orthodox, drawing from the Muromachi-based line of Chinese "saints and sages" that had become increasingly popularized in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The poetic excerpts for this category are typically couplets, and the painting is either by or in the style of Ogata Korin (1658-1716). This approach is also limited to Kenzan's first decade of production.
The last category, animals, makes use of creatures associated with Buddhist or literati values; the wares are inscribed with couplets or one-line excerpts, and most of the painting is quite abbreviated. Wares decorated with animals appear at the end of Kenzan's first decade of production, specifically in association with Korin, but they also appear in later work as well.
For all three categories, the poetic inscriptions are taken from the Yuandynasty anthology Shixue dacheng (J: Shigaku taisei) and its Ming successor Yuanji huofa (J: Enki kappo). Both of these collections enjoyed considerable popularity in Kenzan's day.
In selecting the poems for his pottery Kenzan exhibited a preference for those that had been originally composed as ti hua shi (J: daiga shi), that is, poems that were written upon the viewing of a painting. Those "versed" in the code of gasan could appreciate an experiential quality in such work. Yet, conversely, both the painting and poetry clearly access a well-developed archive of popular reproduction. Additionally, the lofty images of solitary and religious pursuits were now being employed in the decidedly communal and secular spaces of wining and dining. The appeal of Kenzan ware gasan must derive from these incongruities. In any case, with such a literary load Kenzan clearly diverted ceramic appreciation away from the materiality of the object to its "conception" (yi) embodying poetic traditions, thoughts of the maker, and the moment of execution.
Assuming that Kenzan ware reached a broad public--which is increasingly validated by urban archaeology--and chose poetic excerpts and themes that would be recognized by that public, the ceramic works also document cultural literacy in the mid-Edo period. They show how an ever-growing consuming class could read and savor selections of poetry from the Tang, Song, Yuan and Ming dynasties together with painting. Basho and Chikamatsu wove the same verses into their haikai and joruri. A plethora of how-to books like Shirin ryozai (Handy materials for the world of poetry; 1684) ensured popular access to these quotations.
Until quite recently (see vol. 35 of this journal), the poetry-painting synthesis in Kenzan ware was bypassed by researchers. The authors hope that this article will serve as a reference for understanding Kenzan's distinctive appropriation of the gasan lineage and its reception in the mid-Edo period.
Keywords: Edo-period Japanese ceramics; Ogata Kenzan; Kenzan ware; Rinpa; Chinese poetry in Japan; 近世日本陶磁、尾形乾山、乾山焼、琳派、詩画軸、画讃、日本漢詩