51号掲載論文の要旨
国際基督教大学キリスト教と文化研究所発行
国際基督教大学学報 IV-B
『人文科学研究（キリスト教と文化）』
International Christian University Publication IV-B
Humanities: Christianity and Culture
A Historical Survey of the Musicological Researches on Korean and Japanese Cultures: Perspectives for a Future Cooperation of Musicologists in Asia . . . . . . Tatsuhiko Itoh
1990年代から続くいわゆる「韓流」ブームは、今も衰えを見せていない。音楽学の分野においても、安田、閔による日韓の学校唱歌の共同研究を一例として、その後も、植村、高、宗、藤井らの充実した研究が続いている。今後は、日韓の関係だけでなく、欧米の影響を受けつつ近代化を実現してきた他のアジア諸国の状況とも比較検討しながら、より広い視野でのアジアにおける文化変容の問題を論じることが必要であろう。今日の急速なグローバル化の中で、音楽学には、さらに重要な役割と新たな展開が期待されており、その意味でも、アジアの音楽学者が、対話を通して協力しながら、健全な未来を築いて行くことが望まれる。かつて1913(大正2)年に発表された、兼常による朝鮮半島の伝統音楽の研究は、現地の音楽家の協力を得て行われ、当時の政治社会的状況による限界はあるものの、一つの理想的な学問的交流の態度を示す前例と言えるだろう。安田、閔、高の研究による日韓の学校唱歌の詳細な継続的研究は、欧米、日本、韓国の関係性の中で、1880年代から1920年代にかけて、どのように東アジアの音楽文化が形成されたかを知る上で重要な業績である。1970年代に発表された、小泉による韓国音楽の研究において、韓国の遊牧民族に起源を持つとされた「三拍子」の問題は大きな話題となった。日本では、一時はその学説が受容されたかに見えたが、本来、アジアの学者によって広く議論されるべきであった課題であろう。1980年代以降は、韓国の多くの演奏芸能が日本で紹介されて特に関心を集め、これは2000年代に入ってからの、韓国の伝統音楽、ポップスに関する学問的関心の拡大に繋がった。ウェスト=イースタン・ディヴァン・オーケストラを通してのバレンボイムの活動にも象徴されるように、音楽、そして音楽家は、敵意という壁を容易に乗り越えることが出来る。音楽学的関心を通して平和を実現するために、音楽学者がさらに協力して未来に向けて活動する必要があり、そのために、日韓だけでなく、アジアの音楽学者が協働しなければならない時が来ているのである。李王朝時代、朝鮮通信使を通して日本と交流していた詳しい記録が残されており、今日と同じように、国の違いを越えて、音楽を含む、お互いの文物に人々は強い関心を持っていた。日韓の関係改善が膠着している今だからこそ、相互の学問と文化の交流が重要なのである。
From Athens to Edo: Virtue, Law and Christian Ethics in Comparative Context . . . . . . Kevin M. Doak
This article identifies two different traditions of understanding what virtue is, both of which originated in ancient Greece but became global in reach. One tradition is the Socratic understanding of virtue and the other tradition is the Sophist understanding of virtue. After outlining the distinguishing features of these different traditions and their historical, philosophical and economic conditions, the article then turns to 17th century Japan, finding advocates of these understandings of virtue in neo-Confucian philosophers Itō Jinsai (1627-1705) and Ogyū Sorai (1666-1728). Arguing that Jinsai's understanding of virtue was akin to the Socratic tradition and Ogyū's was in line with the Sophist tradition, the article then raises the possibility of Christian influences on Jinsai and shows how his understanding of virtue was continued on for nearly two centuries in the Osaka merchant academy, the Kaitokudō (1724-1869). This long tradition of privileging Socratic virtue within the Kaitokudō helps explain the conversion of the son of the last head of the Kaitokudō, Nakai Tsugumaro (1855-1943) to Christianity. In a similar vein, one finds both the Socratic and Sophist understandings of virtue in the Christian intellectual Nitobe Inazō's early 20th century writing on bushido. Finally, the article notes that without some mechanism for reconciling these two opposing understandings of virtue, societies run the risk of disintegration. The author concludes that the best hope for such reconciliation lies in the field of law, since law by its very nature embodies elements of both the Socratic and the Sophist understanding of virtue.
アルベルト・シュヴァイツァーの神学における平和思想 . . . . . . 金子 昭
[On Peace in Albert Schweitzer's Theology . . . . . . Akira Kaneko]
本稿は、アルベルト・シュヴァイツァーAlbert Schweitzer(1875-1965) によるさまざまな平和論の中から、とくに神学及び説教の中で取り上げられた平和論に焦点を当てて、彼の平和論のキリスト教的本質構造について検討したものである。
最初に取り上げるのは、説教における平和論である。ここでの基本路線は、信徒たちの日々の信仰生活に即した心の平安という形での平和思想である。しかし、それは決して単なる安静な状態ではなく、神の霊 Geistがその人自身の精神 Geistをしてこの世での活動へと駆動する力となる。そこから平和は、人々の平和的あり方として同心円状に拡大し、最終的には人類規模にまで至ることで、平和の国としての神の国をも示唆するものとなる。
次に神学的著作での平和論を問題にする。遺稿『神の国とキリスト教』 では、キリスト教の歴史に即して神の国観の変遷が詳論されている。その最後の時期が20世紀後半の冷戦の時期である。この時、シュヴァイツァーの念頭には、まさに神の国の実現か、そうでなければ人類の滅亡かという究極の選択肢すらあった。その時期までに、彼は生への畏敬の倫理思想や 人間性の理念などを通じて、広く人々にも訴える形で平和思想を説いていた。
そこで最後に、このように一般的な形で説かれた平和論の根底にも、平和の国としての神の国の理念が生き生きと存するところを論じる。生への畏敬が最初に説かれたのが説教であることからも分かるように、生への畏敬の思想には、普遍化されたキリスト教的平和論が反映している。それと同時に、平和の理念はあらゆる宗教や思想にも存在するという確信があっ た。彼が文化哲学の文脈の中で生への畏敬や人間性の思想として平和論を説いたのも、そこに理由があったのである。
"How to do words with things": on Dawn Raffel's The Secret Life of Objects . . . . . . . Monica Manolescu
This article offers a reading of contemporary American writer Dawn Raffel's memoir entitled The Secret Life of Objects, published by Jade Ibis Press in 2012, focusing on the affective, mnemonic, narrative and symbolic significances that it attaches to objects. My reading seeks to embed Raffel's book in a larger reflection on the meanings of objects in literature and more generally in art, and the ways in which they function as extensions of the self and connectors between people, generations and time periods. The article draws on the history of objects in art in order to understand the specificity of Raffel's approach. Surrealism appears as an important landmark due its promotion of the banal object to the status of carrier of tremendous symbolic meaning. Raffel is remotely indebted to the Surrealist celebration of objects, but her focus is on the affective and social dimension that characterizes our relationship with certain objects and on the role the latter play in the construction of identity and memory. Personal identities and histories are seen as intertwined with and inferable from the familiar objects that surround us. The object appears as a "psychic mediator" (Tisseron) that stimulates reminiscence and storytelling. The title of the article (an inversion of Austin's well-known How to Do Things with Words) captures precisely this discursive and mnemonic potential of objects in Raffel's text. Raffel invites us to think about how we can do "words with things," that is start from objects in order to perform a linguistic exploration of memory, temporality, self and intersubjectivity.
Hume's Conceivability Principle: A Preliminary Consideration . . . . . . . Naoki Yajima
Hume's Conceivability Principle is one of the main pillars of his philosophical system. According to Hume, "Whatever we conceive is possible, at least in a metaphysical sense". Compared with other well-known principles of his metaphysics, the importance of the Conceivability Principle does not seem to be thoroughly explored. In this paper, I will first outline the principle, and then clarify the significant innovation of philosophy Hume achieved through the principle by placing it in the context of modern philosophy. I point out, in particular, the neglected connection between the Conceivability Principle and Leibniz's criticism of the traditional form of ontological proof. Finally, I offer my solution to an interpretative problem that has been disputed regarding the principle. In the process of delineating this, the fundamental character of Hume's empiricism and scepticism will be clarified. This paper tries to provide a preliminary consideration for resolving intricate problems relating to the Conceivability Principle.
乾山焼 陶法伝書とその伝播 . . . . . . リチャード・L・ウィルソン 小笠原 佐江子
[Kensan-Ware Pottery Manuals: Transmission and Reception. . . . . . .Richard L. Wilson Saeko Ogasawara]
This article surveys the technical legacy of the Japanese ceramic designer Ogata Kenzan (1663-1743) through the pottery manuals from his own hand and those written by his successors. Following a brief introduction to modes of technological transmission and the fundamentals of Japanese ceramic technique, each manual is transcribed and its contexts and vocabulary are explicated. The featured texts are:
1) By Ogata Kenzan: Tôkô hitsuyô (Essentials for the Potter, 1737); coll. Yamato Bunkakan; the first section of this book is a manual that Kenzan received in 1699 from potter Nonomura Ninsei (act. mid-late 17th c.).
2) By Ogata Kenzan: Tôji seihô (Ceramic Techniques, 1737); coll. Tetchikudô Takizawa Kinenkan.
3) By Ogata Kenzan but copied into a 1732-dated section of a notebook by Sano (Tochigi-prefecture) ceramic hobbyist Okawa Kendô bearing the title of Tôki densho"; coll. Tetchikudô Takizawa Kinenkan.
4) Attributed to second-generation Kenzan Ogata Ihachi: Tôki mippôsho (Ceramic secrets, n.d, est. mid-18th c.); coll. National Diet Library; the same contents are found in Hongama uchigama narabini Kenzan yaki hihô (Secret techniques for high- and low-temperature [ceramics] and Kenzan ware) in the former Tokyo Bijutsu Kenkyujo collection, Kenzan rakuyaki hisho (Secret Kenzan Raku-ware book) in the National Diet Library, Tokyo, and Kenzan hisho (Secret Kenzan-ware book) in the collection of Tsutsumi-ware potter Hariu Kenba. We know from its 1792 colophon that Tôki mippôsho was handed down in the Banko-ware line of Edo potters.
5) Attributed to a "second-generation Kenzan" in Edo: Uchigama hisho (Secrets for glazed earthenware), copy dated 1766, discovered by the authors as part of a bound volume entitled Rakuyaki hiden (Raku-ware secrets), coll. Tokyo Metropolitan Library
6) By Kenzan-style potter Miura Kenya (1821-1889): Ogata-ryû tôjutsu hihôsho (Ogata-style ceramic techniques secret book) in the form of an 1854 copy by the lord of the Hikone-domain, Ii Naosuke (1815-1860); coll. Hikone Castle Museum.
7) By Kenya's disciple and self-styled 6th-generation Kenzan, Urano Shigekichi (1851-1923): Rakuyaki denjusho (Raku-ware transmission document, 1919); coll. Art Research Center in Farnham, Surrey; this is a document written by Urano for British potter Bernard Leach (1887-1979).
Earlier researchers, namely Wakimoto (1941-2), Suzuki (1942), Mitsuoka (1963), Kawahara (1979) and Tagai (1980) have variously transcribed and interpreted these works. Additionally the manuals have been a subject of articles by potters Tomimoto (1957) and Uno (1975). Wilson (1992) includes an English translation of Tôkô hitsuyô. None of this earlier research, however, takes up the interrelationships of these books, and with the exception of Uno's insightful remarks none of them offer more than a summary description of the contents. None of these studies consider the recipients of the work and how that is manifested in the contents. Finally, more can be said about the contents of every manual due to recent scientific, archaeological, and documentary studies.
The Kenzan manuals expose the intermingling of the exoteric and esoteric spheres of premodern ceramic knowledge. Beginning with the former, one of the distinguishing features of early modern ceramics in all of East Asia is that it was written about and published in the form of block-printed gazeteers, classified encyclopedias, and guides to connoisseurship. Starting with early Chinese precedents such as the ceramic chapter of Tiangong kaiwu (Exploitation of the works of nature; 1637), we witness a description of production but conspicuously missing is the kind of information that would enable the reader to actually make pots, evoking Clunas' (1997:78) observation that such books were made for literati and parvenu merchant audiences with the intent of producing a "knowing subject" instead of transmitting practical knowledge itself. The authors have discovered a parallel phenomenon in Japan in a ceramic section in a published "encyclopedia of crafts" ironically entitled Hyakkô hijutsu (Secret techniques for myriad handicrafts; 1724). On the esoteric side one can find written information kept within potter families or communities which functioned as working memoranda and as a tokens of entitlement, however as we can see first in the martial and performing arts and then in painting, the early modern publishing industry was adept at turning trade secrets into commodities. In Japanese ceramics the dissemination of "insider information" is centered around Raku ware, whose simple technology and short production schedule endeared it to amateurs. In 1736, the Raku-ware technical manual Rakuyaki hinô (Collected Raku ceramic secrets) became the first pottery manual to be put into print. While the Kenzan manuals were not published, their coexistence with this nascent genre of ceramic publishing is a key to understanding why they were made and reproduced.
Technically speaking, recipes for earthenware glazes and pigments, referred to by Kenzan as uchigama, appear in all manuals (stoneware coverage diminishes after the first Kenzan), and therefore can be used to determine specific lines of transmission (see chart p. 106). The starting point is the recipes Kenzan received from the Oshikôji potter Magobei, and listed in Kenzan's Tôkô hitsuyô and Tôji seihô; those formulas are basically repeated in the Tôki densho and the newly discovered Uchigama hisho. Based on a simple and venerable formula of lead carbonate (shiroko or tô no tsuchi) and silica (Hinooka stone), Kenzan used these for underglaze painting on flat dishes. Then, in mid-18th-c. Kyoto, Kenzan's successor Ihachi wrote a very different kind of manual, incorporating his adoptive father's recipes but adding new ones that include glass frit (biidoro or shiratama), and indeed glassy swatches of saturated colors inform many of his late works. This Ihachi manual was preserved in the Edo Banko line of potters. Finally, while Miura Kenya inherited the Edo-line manualpassed down though Sakai Hôitsu (1761-1828) and Nishimura Myakuan (1784-1853), his copy was destroyed in the 1923 Kanto earthquake. The recipes passed from Miura Kenya to Ii Naosuke and Urano Shigekichi (surviving in the Leach copy), however, show that Kenya had little use for the older formulas. Now all recipes contained frit, which greatly stabilized the colors and melt, and allowed most of the pigments to be used both under or over the glaze coat. The "Kenzan" technical legacy had become a kind of paintbox for amateurs, awaiting new appropriations by artist-potters of the 20th century.
Keywords: Early modern Japanese ceramics; Japanese ceramic technology; Ceramic manuals, Kenzan ware; Ogata Kenzan; Rinpa
キーワード：近世日本の陶磁、窯業技術、陶法伝書、乾山焼、尾形乾山、琳派