PRI.htm

INTERNATIONAL CHRISTIAN UNIVERSITY • TOKYO, JAPAN VOL1. Nol MARCH 1995

Specters of Peace (with apologies to Jacques Derrida)

Toshiki Mogami

When the Cold War ended, some people thought that peace research would no longer be needed. Derrida makes a similar observation about the trend, premature to be sure, among certain sectors of academia, of pronouncing the "end of Marxism" in his recent publication Spectre of Marx. It did not take us long to recognize that this hope (or fear) was deeply flawed. Peace, in fact, might be thought of as revenant which still haunts us. Although some were talking about the end of history, it never ended, with yet many predicaments surviving. Nobody was clear about who were the winners and losers of the war; consequently, nobody was clear about how the postwar order was to be designed and maintained, a sharp contrast to the postwar periods following the First and Second World Wars. In these latter cases, the design of order was comparatively simple: the victors of the wars had only to take pains how not permit the resurgence of the vanquished. Two world organizations were created, which were geared into this simple (and then legitimate) objective.

The short-lived exaltation about the end of the Cold War was soon replaced by a gloomy prospect, that is, what has been called a new world disorder. Thus the hopeful concept of "post-Cold War" was superseded by that of the "post-post-Cold War," connoting that the world was still replete with unresolved problems, dangers and struggles, which might even be unsolvable forever. Suddenly, the world after the Cold War was cognitively turned into the most dangerous place humankind had ever witnessed. The eruption of many national/ethnic conflicts in many parts of the world seemed to underscore, if not endorse, the validity of this gloomy

view. In addition, the inability of the UN to prevent or solve these problems all at once helped to amplify this disappointment, as many people expected, rather over-optimistically, that the halt in the exercise of the veto power would guarantee a problem-free world. As a matter of fact, the UN did not actually make a good start, but was only given a chance to start anew, since the order design of 1945 was already out of date, to be remodeled according to the new realities and new needs of the age.

In either event, it remains true that the world is still facing a myriad of problems which need to be tackled. There exists not only the problem of national/ethnic conflicts, but also the danger of nuclear proliferation, the huge developmental gap between the North and South, environmental degradation which some even call "security threat No. 1," and so forth and so on. Of course, it is not the task of peace researchers to juggle gloomy pictures of the world; on the contrary, they were always eager to present alternative, brighter pictures of a war- and poverty-free world. Yet, it is nonetheless their task, to identify clearly the problems, as long as they exist, like the canary in a coal mine. Thus their obligations do not easily go away, as their role continues insofar as the anguish of humankind continues.

If there ever is an endpoint of history, would it not be where the whole world can be said to have been fully civilized, in the sense that people stop fighting with each other, egoistically exploiting each other? Civilization in this sense has nothing to do with the degree of Westernization, nor with the accumulation of material wealth. Rather, it is the ability to restrain oneself in his or her relationships with others, or the competence to respect what Ivan Illich called "conviviality". While this endpoint may never be reached completely, it is also

true that an important segment of humankind has tried to find evidence of humanity in the endeavor to come ever closer to that endpoint. And in fact, many of these endeavors have proved fruitful, such as the emancipation of slaves, the disappearance of war, albeit limited, in some parts of the world, the slow but steady spread of the notion that the task of human betterment is incumbent upon the world at large instead of something that should be left up to the afflicted themselves.

In a manner of speaking, one ought not to find delight in continuing peace research. But if it is necessary for it to continue, then, it should continue. It may be an irony that the ICUPRI started at such an historical juncture: it was exactly when some people anticipated that peace research might soon become unnecessary. Yet we believed that its necessity would remain, if unfortunately. We dare not say that we made a good start because of this irony. Yet we are convinced that we made a new start precisely when we were called upon to do so. We were fortunate to find quite a number of people at ICU who were ready to devote themselves to this common endeavor, as well as many supporters from outside the University who were generous enough to lend their

See Mogami, page 3

IN THIS ISSUE

FEATURE ARTICLE...............................2

WORK OF THE INSTITVTE ................... 4

REPORT.................................................5

LECTURES AND SYMPOSIA.................6

REVIEW..................................................7

INSTITUTE PROFILES...........................8

RESOURCES......................................... 9

FEATURE ARTICLE

As a result of the end of the Cold War, ideological conflict is said to have been replaced by ethno-cultural conflict or even civilizational clashes. The latter appears to be existentially much more deeply rooted in human conditions than the former: while ideology is subject to choice, ethno-cultural community is what human beings are born into and thus precedes choice.

Ethno-national conflict has become such an issue of overwhelming concern that not only renewed Cold War warriors, e.g. Samuel Huntington, but also peace researchers tend to define the fundamental post-Cold War conflict in terms of ethno-culture or civilization. For instance, the theme of the International Peace Research Association's conference in the fall of 1994 was "Intercultural Conflicts."

But is it true that ethno-culture is the primary source of conflict in various parts of today's world? Are not ethno-cultural clashes a symptom or consequence of a deeper conflict, instead of the other way round? Further, is not ethno-cultural conflict a rationalization of conflict on deeper levels?

There are several questionable points involved in the argument that ethno-national groups of different cultures or civilizations are bound to generate conflict, to fight, and to kill each other.

First, although there are obviously significant differences among the cultures of different ethno-national groups, ethno-cultural difference is not the same as ethno-cultural conflict. The question that can rightly be asked is: Under what conditions will groups of different cultures come into conflict? And under what conditions will the conflict between these groups turn into violent conflict? This shift from difference to conflict and from conflict to armed conflict cannot be accounted for in terms of the cultural difference itself which is a constant.

In fact, theories of conflict based on this ethno-cultural determinism overlook or ignore a number of instances where people of different cultural or religious backgrounds live together peacefully. For instance, in one quarter of Cairo, there are a mosque, a synagogue, and a Christian (Coptic) church which stood next to each other in peace. Recently, the situation seems to have changed with the rise of

MYTHS OF ETHNO-
CULTURAL CONFLICT

Yoshikazu Sakamoto

Islamic fundamentalism-a fact which testifies to the shift from difference to tension and conflict depending on the factors other than the civilizations themselves. We may also ask why does a similar triad generate tension in present-day Jerusalem, while it did not before the outbreak of the modern Arab-Israeli conflict?

Second, the very idea that there is inevitable conflict or incompatibility among cultures is a reflection of a particular type of culture. In the light of the bloody conflict in the Middle East or the Balkans, for instance, it has often been said that the conflict between Christian civilization and Islamic civilization is inevitable. It is simply untrue that Christians and Moslems cannot peacefully coexist in reality. It is, however, true that each has often been perceived by the other as incompatible. Perceived incompatibility with the infidel is a salient feature of the two religious civilizations because they share one particular characteristic in common, namely, monotheist universal-ism.

In contrast, many polytheist cultures do not regard other religions as strictly incompatible with themselves but show a more or less eclectic response. In the Japanese culture which is traditionally alien to monotheism, for instance, many people are taken to a Shintoist shrine at the time of birth or in childhood, wedded in a Christian church, and mourned at a funeral conducted in the Buddhist tradition. Thus the very idea that the difference in civilizations will of necessity lead to civilizational clashes is a false consciousness which is a manifestation of a particular civilization characterized by aggressive, monotheist universalism. One may recall here Edward Said's critique of "Orientalism."

At the same time, no one can deny that innumerable ethno-cultural groups did and do engage in conflict, war, and deadly struggle. If that is essentially not due to ethno-cultural differences, we must point to other reasons. The reasons are, of course, complex. Let us mention a few that

are fundamental.

First, the historical legacy of the system of political and economic domination/ subordination or antagonism which was forcibly established along the lines of ethno-cultural division under the constraints of low productivity and the scarcity of resources. What is of crucial importance at present is not so much the reality of a zero-sum situation in the past, as it is the memory and myth about it. And the memory and myth tend to be invoked time and again to rationalize new patterns of political and economic contradictions.

Second, one of the most powerful forces in modern times which gives rise to new contradictions and transform cultural difference into acute and violent conflict is the inequality and inequity resulting from capitalist development which is essentially uneven. If the disparity between the privileged and underprivileged, the rich and poor, the employed and unemployed, etc., largely corresponds with a difference in ethno-cultural background, the difference is likely to turn into open conflict.

If the disparity exists within an ethno-cultural group, the discontents or the sense of insecurity caused by the disparity tend to be externally diverted by ethnocentric elements whether in power or alienated, through the manipulation of ethnocentric myths and symbols, presenting other ethno-cultural groups as the "other." The enthnocentric extremists are generally small in number at the beginning; their influence, particularly the emotional appeal, grows depending on the presence of structural cleavages.

In the process through which ethno-cultural difference turns into ethno-cultural conflict, there is always an element of "imagined community" involved. Even in the case of inter-group disparity mentioned above, there are also inequalities within the dominant ethno-cultural group. Ernst Renan once said that a nation must have a sense of common sufferings despite the conflicts and divisions also to be found within that nation. In other words, the internal structure of the group is such that there are always fictitious elements in the "ethnic" or "cultural" conflict.

(Continued on the next page)

(Continued from the previous page)

Nevertheless, once an extremist in one ethno-cultural group kills a member of the other group because the victim was the other, the members of the latter group begin to feel that they are en bloc threatened because of their ethno-nationality and, in turn, threaten the members of the former group en bloc. Thus killing becomes the cause of killing, and killing "justifies" killing, because for each side killing has become an act of survival. This is what happened in Bosnia where a number of people of different ethno-cultural groups had peacefully coexisted, not en bloc, but as equal individuals.

Collective identity tends to conceal internal inequality and inequity. Conversely, if the internal structure of each group is democratized, violent conflict between ethno-cultural groups will be minimized. If Serbia, Croatia, and other local parties are solid democracies based on a strong civil society, the situation in Yugoslavia would have been quite different. One may recall the thesis that a democracy does not fight another democracy.

Ethno-cultural differences is not in itself the cause of "cultural conflict." So cultural difference and diversity will remain in a democratized world. A world with one single culture will be dreadful, just as a society with the people of the same personality will be a dysutopia. Ethno-cultural differences may cause a certain degree of tension, just as the existence of different personalities generates a degree of tension. But tension short of conflict can be a source of creative interactions, just as diversity of opinion is a source of creative democratic dialogue.

It is true that the post-Cold War world is characterized by the unversalization of nationalism, as illustrated by the resurgence of nationalism in the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the Balkan peninsula, and, the reinstatement of ethno-cultural identity in the United States, Western Europe and practically in every region of the world. There is, however, a paradox in the unversalization of nationalism in the sense that it is an indication of the beginning of the end of the age of traditional nationalism. By "traditional nationalism" I mean the policy and movement aimed at establishing a

sovereign state that is identical to the unit of ethno-cultural national community.

Precisely as a result of the universaliza-tion of nationalism, it has become unmistakably clear that building a sovereign nation-state in accordance with the classic principle of self-determination of every ethno-cultural group is impossible. If enforced, it is likely to lead to violence and bloodshed to the detriment of the very ethno-cultural groups themselves, as illustrated by the tragedy of former Yugoslavia.

This holds true particularly in an age when universalization of nationalism coincides with the universalization of a rapidly growing international migration, including the relocation of refugees. Today, every country and almost every city has become multi-ethnic and multicultural. Clearly, the separation of political units and ethno-cultural units and the democratization within the political units are necessary and even inevitable if self-destructive violence is to be avoided.

Mogami, Continued from page 1

financial support to the Institute. Surrounded by these supporters, what else could we do but sustain our own academic and professional efforts to try to move toward the real end of history?

PEAC EREPORTS:

INTERNATIONAL

CHRISTIAN UNIVERSITY

PEACE RESEARCH

INSTITUTE,
Volume 1, Number 1

Editorial Committee:
Toshiki Mogami
Lester Edwin J. Ruiz
Masaki Tanaka

PEACE REPORTS is published twice a year by the International Christian University Peace Research Institute (ICUPRI) located at 3-10-2 Osawa, Mitaka-shi, Tokyo 181, Japan.

Telephone: (81) 0422 33 3187
Fax: (81) 0422 34 6985
e-mail: peace@icu.ac.jp

ICUPRI was founded in March 1991 to engage the university community in scholarly research and education about peace. In addition to its research projects and publications, ICUPRI seeks to stimulate national and international research and coopera-tion through lectures, seminars, and conferences, as well as training and teaching in peace and world order studies.

ICUPRI is supported through the ICUPRI Research Fund established in 1992 from donations of the Mitsubishi Group as well as other contributors.

Inaugural Issue

ICUPRI is pleased to publish the inaugural issue of PEACE REPORTS. Succeeding issues will report on the work of the Institute. They will also include brief articles on issues of critical importance to the field of peace research, education, and advocacy.

While this issue is all in English, it is the policy of PEACE REPORTS to publish in at least English and Japanese in the future. Contributions in any language from the university and the larger community of peace are encouraged although the final decision to publish the submissions rests with the Editorial Committee. Materials received will not be returned unless accompanied by a stamped, self-addressed return envelop.

Editorial Bar

Individual contributions in PEACE REPORTS do not necessarily reflect the official position of the ICUPRI.

Inquiries may be addressed to the Director at the above named address.

WORK OF THE INSTITUTE

Research Projects

The International Christian University Peace Research Institute's (ICUPRI) current globally-oriented and multidiscip-linary research projects, each in various stages of development, include:" Japan-US Relations in the Context of Global Peace," "The United Nations in the Changing States System," "Military-Civilian Conversion of Industries," "Peace Education," "Ethnic/Religious Conflicts," and "A Structural Transformation of World Order."

The "Japan-US Relations in the Context of Global Peace" research project focuses on the relationship between Japan and the United States as a fundamental reality for any understanding of global peace. Through a series of sub-projects in the form of research meetings, members of the research project, including Professors Makoto Saito and Ken Kondo of the Institute and Professor Naoki Onishi of the Humanities Division, sought to clarify the status of the various academic fields in the US as part of constructing clear and accurate images of "America Today," as well as collect testimonies and proposals on the topic from the various disciplines. The results of the latter sub-project has been published in a volume edited by Professors Kondo and Saito under the title Nichebei-masatu no nazo wo toku-genba kara no shogen (1994).

The "United Nations and a New World Order" research project focuses on defining the possible roles of the United Nations in the construction of a new world order in the aftermath of the end of the so-called Cold War, including the necessary institutional reforms commensurate with these roles. Through individual and collaborative research within and without the Institute, the project explores: i) the limits and possibilities of the nation-state system and its reciprocal relationship with the UN; ii) the necessity for institutional reform of the UN in the light of changing global conditions, including the implications of the rule of law; and iii) alternatives for "An Agenda for Peaceful Peace" as contrasted with the UN Secretary General's "An Agenda for Peace." Members of the project, including Professors Mogami and Ruiz of the Institute and Professors Robert Johansen of the University of Notre Dame and Kevin Clements of George Mason

University, expect to complete the work in
March 1996.

The "Peaceful Conversion of Industry, Economy, and Society" research project analyzes the changing nature of international society in the post-Cold War era particularly in the context of trends in disarmament and demilitarization; and studies the future roles of Japan as well as other countries in the light of the "peace dividend" brought about by the end of the Cold War. Special focus will be placed on 1) the problems of peaceful conversion in command economies like Russia; 2) the problems of conversion in market economies like the US; and 3) the problems of conversion in contexts where disarmament and demilitarization are not clearly apparent (as in Asia, including Japan). Professor Koya Azumi heads the project.

The "Peace Education" research project explores and defines the educational implications of peace research, particularly in the context of university education. Currently, project members, including Professors Koa Tasaka, Mogami, and Ruiz, are almost exclusively focusing on the compilation of an introductory textbook to be used in ICU's Peace Studies courses. This textbook will include both original work by Institute members and key published articles in the field. The textbook will be both in English and Japanese.

The "A Structural Transformation of World Order" research project, led by Professor Yoshikazu Sakamoto, explores the forces of internationalization represented by the market and the forces of democratization rooted in civil society as the underlying process of the ending of the Cold War. Each of these two dynamics has developed unevenly in modern history, giving rise to contradictions, particularly between capitalist internationalization and political democratization. The challenges these structures and processes pose to the state system, which remains the basic framework of the modern international order, are explored through individual and collaborative research in the form of conferences and research meetings with a number of scholars from around the world. Results of the project will be published.

ICUPRI Sponsored Field Trips

In March 1993, and then again in March 1994, the Peace Research Institute sponsored a ten day field trip to New Mexico, USA. In conjunction with Camy Condon, peace activist and organizer of the Children's Peace Statue Project, fifteen students and two Institute members, each in both years, travelled to Albuquerque, Santa Fe, and Carlsbad and met with peace activists, Native Americans, and scholars, researchers, and scientists.

The goal of these field trips was to provide students with the opportunity to see first hand key sites and installations that have played important roles in the research and development of conventional, nuclear, and chemical weapons and instruments; and to see part of the US southwest-its geography, ecology, and history.

Highlights of these trips included: visits to Los Alamos and the historic capital city of Santa Fe; visits to Acoma and Laguna Indian Reservations; tour of Carlsbad Caverns; visits to the Nuclear Waste Isolation Project; White Sands, Alamogordo, and the National Space Museum. (See related article in this issue of PEACE REPORTS, "Students Tell Their Stories of New Mexico")

The 1995 field trip will focus on the 50th Anniversary of the end of World War II with visits to key sites in Berlin, Warsaw, Auschwitz, and Prague.

Cooperation with the World Order
Models Project (WOMP)

In 1992, the Institute established a working and cooperative relationship with the World Order Models Project (WOMP). WOMP is a transnational association of scholars and distinguished political figures from around the world involved in research, education, dialogue, and publication of material aimed at promoting a just world peace. Since its inception in 1966, WOMP has sought to engage the academic community, policymakers, and grassroots activists in the quest for peace, economic well-being, social justice, ecological balance, and positive identity.

See WORK, page 10

REPORT

REPORT ON A CONTINUING CONTROVERSIAL ISSUE:
AGRICULTURAL CHEMICAL AID TO CAMBODIA

Koa Tasaka

approve the inclusion of pesticides in the 2KR (Second Kennedy Round) aid in 1993 fiscal year even if the Cambodian government requested them.

A meeting of the International Committee on the Reconstruction of Cambodia (ICORC) was held in Tokyo in March 1993. To this meeting, four members of the Cooperation Committee for Cambodia (CCC) which is composed of almost all the NGOs of various countries working in Cambodia and some of international agencies, were allowed to attend as observers. One of the observers was Sotoshu Volunteer Association (SVA), a Japanese NGO. In addition, the People's Forum on Cambodia, (PFC) a network of NGOs and concerned citizens (Japanese as well as Cambodians in Japan), submitted proposals to the Japanese government and to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The main part of the proposals in the area of agriculture and environment stated that the basic policy for cooperation in the reconstruction of Cambodia should include:

i. first the attainment self-sufficiency in

food;

ii. the promotion of sustainable agriculture

in harmony with environment; and,

iii. giving first priority to human resource

development in order that the Cambodian

people themselves can actively participate

in the reconstruction of their country and

avoid permanent dependence on other

countries.

In addition, these proposals undersored the importance of:

i. giving financial support for the removal

of land mines in order to enlarge the useful

land for food production;

ii. supporting the projects for the

promotion of sustainable agriculture and

human resource development;

iii. support the formulation and

implementation of regulation for the

control of pesticides; and,

iv. not cutting trees and to cooperate in the

reforestation project.

Reflecting these concerns, NGOs at the Second ICORC Meeting noted that there remains issues of continuing concern, including the unsustainable depletion of natural resources, the unresolved and

See REPORT, page 10

Throughout 1993 Cambodia figured prominently in the news media in Japan mainly because Japan, at that time, was involved in Cambodia through the PKO. However, there are other issues which warrant the attention of peace researchers, in particular, the issue of environment in relation to the Japanese pesticide aid to Cambodia.

In the 1960s, the amount of rice production in Cambodia was sufficient for local consumption. In fact, Cambodia exported over 500,000 tons of rice per year to other countries. However, under the Pol Pot regime, most of the farmer-leaders were killed, even as many farmers were forced to move, oftentimes flee, from their homes and farms. The military conflict in the 30 years that followed forced many farmers to become refugees leaving their farmlands uncultivated. In addition, millions of land mines were laid all over the country which made the most fertile land unavailable, not to mention extremely dangerous, for rice production.

In the 1992 fiscal year, the Japanese government provided pesticides, chemical fertilizers, and agricultural equipment to the Cambodian government as "Aid for increasing food production (2KR)." These donated pesticides, totalling almost 100 million yen, included Sumithion (or Fenitrothion), Diazinon, and Sumicidin (or Fenvalerate). These pesticides are used in rice production of high-yielding variety during the dry season in irrigated areas. However, whether it is appropriate to donate pesticides to a country which has no law to regulate pesticides and has no medical system to prevent or respond to poisoning are controversial issues.

At present, the rice planted in Cambodia is mostly of the local variety planted during the rainy season, so there is no need for pesticides since the population of harmful insects is kept under tolerable levels by the presence of a substantial number of natural predators. But, if pesticide use increases, there also will be an increase in insect pests such as the brown planthopper, known to have developed resistance to pesticides. An

International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) report warns, "Disastrous consequences (of increased use of pesticides) may be expected in terms of abnormal pest outbreaks, farmers health and food contamination."

As a matter of fact, FAO decided not to send pesticides to Cambodia because experts on tropical agriculture pointed out that "sending pesticides to Cambodia will threaten rice production rather than preserve it. It seems essential that FAO will'not be sending pesticides but rather design a real Integrated Pest Management (IMP) programme for Cambodia." This program pays heavy attention to the ecological balance of insects in the field. It is one way of reducing dependency on pesticides.

On the contrary, Japanese aid would make Cambodian agriculture more dependent on pesticides. Diazinon is notorious for causing outbreaks of resistant brown planthoppers in the Philippines. Moreover, the use of pesticides may kill or contaminate fish, shrimps and other protein resources living in the aquatic environment.

Recently, I paid a research visit to Cambodia upon the invitation of JVC, a Japanese NGO working there. What I found was that highly toxic pesticides such as methylparathion or methamidophos are imported from Thailand and Vietnam, and are used by farmers on watermelon, oftentimes, carelessly. After using the chemical, villagers told me, fish were found dead in the near-by pond. The fish were brought home by the children and were cooked by their parents for a meal.

I met with Japanese Ambassador to Cambodia Yukio Imagawa, and told him about the dangerous situation of pesticide use in Cambodia. He agreed that the careless use of pesticides is quite dangerous, and told me that he had just sent a letter to officials of the Cambodian Ministry of Agriculture asking them not to start using the donated pesticides until the safety training by Japanese experts is completed. He also told me he would not

LECTURES AND SYMPOSIA

Lectures, Open Research Meetings,
and Symposia

Since its founding in 1991, the ICUPRI has sponsored a number of important lectures, panels, and symposia by scholars, researchers, policymakers, and activists in the field. These have included in 1990, Yasushi Akashi, then Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations, on the topic, "The UN Now: A New Year for Disarmament and International Organizations; in 1991, Kenneth Boulding, professor at the University of Colorado, on the topic, "The Origins of the Modern World and Its Future," Jan Oberg, ICU visiting professor, on the topic, "Beyond the Turbulence of the World in the Nineties: Co-existence, Non-violence, Global Ethics, and Democracy," Patricia Mische, co-founder of Global Education Associates, on the topic, "In Search of Human Order."

In 1992, John Humphrey, professor at McGill University spoke on the topic, "On the Universal Declaration of Human Rights." Also in the same year, Elise Boulding, professor emerita of Dartmouth, Patricia Mische, and Jan Oberg spoke in a symposium on "Global Social Education."

In 1993, Hideaki Nakagawa, of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, spoke on the topic, "Vietnam, Sri Lanka, and UNHCR"; Yoshikazu Sakamoto, Senior Fellow of the Institute spoke on "A Perspective on Changing World Order;" Dominique Mazeaud, artist of World Wheel, spoke on "Art in Intercultural Communication about the Environment and Peace"; Sharon Frances, of St. Francis Child Care Center, spoke on "Navajo Traditions"; and Dominique Leguiller, Me'decins Sans Frontieres Japan, spoke on "Life, Death and Aid."

In 1994, the Institute hosted Pekka Korhonen, its first Visiting Researcher, who presented his work on "The Rise, Fall, and Re-emergence of Finnish Peace Research." And earlier this year (1995), M. Francois Jean of Me'decins Sans Frontieres, Paris, spoke on "The Role of NGOs in the Peace Process."

Open research meetings, sponsored by individual members of the Institute under the auspices of their respective research projects, have been conducted regularly through each year to allow non-Institute

members to participate in the work of the Institute. In 1992, Kiyotaka Aoyagi, professor in the Division of International Studies, spoke on "Current Situations of Ethnic Problems in the United States"; Yasuo Furuya, spoke on "American Universities Today"; Naoki Onishi, spoke on "The Colony of Massachusetts: Then and Now"; Ken Kondo, spoke on "Presidential Elections in 1992 and the Politics of the United States"; Makoto Saito, spoke on "Current Problems of the Presidential System in the United States: Organization and Personality."

In 1993, Anri Morimoto, ICU University pastor, spoke on "American Conceptions of Human Rights"; Norihiko Suzuki, professor in the Division of International Studies, spoke on "The Deep Structure of the US Economy"; Akira Tachikawa, professor in the Division of Education, spoke on "The Current Status of Elementary Schools in the United States"; Mitsuya Goto, of Goto and Company, spoke on "People Who Sustain Contemporary Japan-US Relations."

The UN and Japan in an Age of
Globalization

The Institute, in cooperation with the Kanagawa Prefecture, co-sponsored an international conference on "The UN and Japan in an Age of Globalization." Held in Yokohama and Hayama from November 30-December 3, 1994, the two-part conference was attended by scholars from Japan and other parts of the world, policymakers, representatives of citizens' groups, and concerned individuals. The conference was intended to make a thoroughgoing review of the role and functions of the UN system, and the role of Japan within it, as well as in the larger context of global structural transformation.

The first part of the conference, to which the public was invited, included presentations from Kazuji Nagasu, Governor of the Kanagawa Prefectural Government, and Yoshikazu Sakamoto, co-chair of the conference. Susumi Takahashi of the University of Tokyo, Yuji Suzuki of Hosei University, and Hitoshi Gotoh of the Kanagawa Institute for Local Autonomy, as well as members of local Kanagawa citizens' groups, focused their presentations on the dynamics of internationalization of local Japanese communities. Stephen Toulmin, of the University of Southern California, and Hillary French of the Worldwatch Institute, both responded to these presentations. This was followed by presentations of Sergio Vieira de Mello, of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and Walden Bello of the University of the Philippines, on "Japan and the United Nations", to which Glenn Hook of University of Sheffield, Takehiko Kamo of the University of Tokyo, and Yoshiharu Tsuboi of Hokkaido University responded. Finally, Robert W. Cox of York University, Pierre de Senarclens of the University of Lausanne, and Stephen P. Marks of Princeton University addressed the topic "The UN, the World, the Citizens" to which Betty Reardon of Columbia University Teachers' College, Toshiki Mogami, and Ruri Itoh of Meiji Gakuin University all made responses. Kunio Oguchi, president of the University, welcomed the conference participants at a reception held in their immediately after this day-long symposium.

See LECTURES, page 10

ICUPRI co-sponsors International
Conference

The Institute, in cooperation with the United Nations University, the Kanagawa Prefecture, and the International Peace Research Institute Meigaku (PRIME), co-sponsored an international conference on "The Changing World Order and the United Nations System." Held in Yokohama from March 24-27, 1992, the conference was part of an intensive discussion among international scholars who participated in the first phase of the United Nations University Programme on Multilateralism and the United Nations System, directed by Robert W. Cox. Among the participants in the project are Yoshikazu Sakamoto, David Held, Takehiko Kamo, Stephen Gill, Leonor M. Briones, Maurice Bertrand, Richard Falk, and Bjorn Hettne. A volume entitled Global Transformation: Challenges to the State System, edited by Yoshikazu Sakamoto, containing the major research papers of the project has been published by the United Nations University Press, and is available through the Institute.

REVIEW

In one of his more memorable remarks, Reinhold Niebuhr noted that people generally lack imagination more than good will. If there is someone to point out what needs to be done, he believed, there are usually people willing to do it. This vital, some might say sentimental, belief in the ability of human beings to respond energetically and competently to imaginative possibility, even that supplied by others, is one of the governing assumptions of many who work with the World Order Models Project (WOMP). Its task over the past 25 years has been to provoke analysis and discussion on a wide range of policy issues and concerns affecting the future of the planet: human rights, alternative security, ecological balance, economic and social justice and positive cultural identity. The strength (and limitation) of its approach lies in its attempt to integrate normative categories and imaginative capacities into all of its policy deliberations. As Marc Nerfin ("United Nations: Prince and Citizen?"), one of the contributors to The Constitutional Foundations of World Peace reminds us, a healed world requires vision, initiative and leadership as much or more than the reform of institutions and their designs.

The Constitutional Foundations of World Peace, a volume dedicated to the world order work and leadership of Saul Mendlovitz, has wide applicability for scholars and students of international affairs, public policy or political science. The editors have done an unusually proficient job of motivating and blending essays of considerable skill and uniform merit. Along with practical strategies geared toward the reform of international institutions and their legal structures, there is the realization that more than legal reforms is needed to nudge the world toward more just and secure outcomes. Robert C. Johansen ("Toward a New Code of International Conduct: War, Peacekeeping and Global Constitutionalism"), notes that "global constitutionalism and war prevention are indeed a tangled embrace" (p.39). We cannot make much progress on one front without significant progress on the other. Thus, to speak of "constitutional foundations" as these authors do is to speak to two distinct interests-both the reform of our systems of international laws and institutions and the embrace of the fundamental human issues facing our time, including the prevention of war, the restoration of ecological balance, the securing of human rights and cultural respect.

The Constitutional Foundations of World Peace, edited by Richard Falk,

Robert Johansen and Samuel Kim.

Ithaca, NY: State University of New

York Press, 1993,388pp.

Robert W. Zuber

In this way, and each in their own way, the contributors to this volume can be understood as working towards bridging "the gap between realist feasibility and human necessity." (Samuel S. Kim, "In Search of Global Constitutionalism," p. 73.)

The credibility of a work or an organization is partially a function of its self-critical capacity, its ability to nurture and sustain internal conversations of diverse opinion and analysis. This volume clearly demonstrates the skill of WOMP and its Director in encouraging criticism which is introspective as well as systemic. While understanding that we have essentially outgrown the political institutions which are our inheritance (Preface, p. xi), there is a recognition that proposals to enhanced centralized world authority create conceptual and political problems, not only for persons addicted to the habits of the state (Mary Catherine Bateson, "Toward an Ambiguous World Order," p. 249) but also for persons on the margins of the dominant discourse (Betty Reardon, "A Feminist Perspective on World Constitutional Order," p. 227). The issues posed for these authors by external critics often take the form of statism vs. anarchy, the belief that structural adjustments in the state system will lead to an uncontrollable breakdown of relations of order and authority. While calling attention to the demeaning views of human nature assumed by statist critics, Richard A. Falk ("The Pathways of Global Constitutionalism"), points to a constellation of pressing problems which the state, in its righteous pretensions, still thinks it can solve. However, this illusion of control and competence in a time of upheaval is not to be confronted through new proposals for global statism, "the state writ large" (R.B.J. Walker, "World Order and the Reconstitu-tion of Political Life," p. 199). In an evolving response to global security, the balance must be struck between the enduring requirements of compassion and stability.

Statist concerns over anarchy present one form of intellectual problem for WOMP and the authors of this text. The

concerns of the excluded, persons marginal to dominant patterns of cultural and economic life such as the "liberal economic models" eclipsing Eastern European socieities (Radmila Nakarada, "The Role of Constitutionalism in the Transformation of Eastern European Societies," p. 325), are another. Elise Boulding ("IGO's, the UN and International NGOs: The Evolving Ecology of the International System") notes the extent to which "non-state entities are poorly mapped in the human mind" (p. 167). If true for entities, such as citizens groups, it is even more so for the voices and needs which those groups attempt, albeit imperfectly (Nerfin, p.159), to represent. Such persons, who embody a statistical majority and a symbolic minority in the world, have more than their share of reasons to mistrust those who would create and advocate new models of global security, ostensibly in the name of the oppressed. Toshiki Mogami ("Grafting the Past onto the Future of the United Nations System") writes convincingly about the "in-organizational hegemony" of developing state interests in the United Nations. However, it is clear to Mogami and others that such hegemony is not reflected in equitable power relations beyond the reach of the General Assembly. Nor is it clear that the representatives of this hegemony have anything like the best interests of their constituents at heart. Lester Edwin J. Ruiz ("Constitutionalism and Founda-tional Values: Philippine Constitutional Authoritarianism Revisited"), among others, provides practical evidence for government policies which effectively transform participation into assent. In such scenarios, says Mogami, taking the side of the Third World may not be the same thing as taking the side of justice (p. 143). Sometimes, solidarity reequires that we confound those, even in the Third World, who would claim to represent the valid and universal interests of "the oppressed."

Despite failures of representation in developing societies, there remains in the West a privileging of discourse, cultural life and economic structures, and it is the understanding of many of this volume's contributors that the dismantling of this privilege must start from within. This volume itself attests to the commitments made by WOMP to broaden and deepen the range of its conversations, extending expressions of solidarity as well as invita

See REVIEW, page 11

INSTITUTE PROFILES

Faculty Fellows

(Membership in the institute normally is by invitation of current Institute members, and upon the recommendation of the Institute Director to the University President, and for a fixed term. In this introductory issue of PEACE REPORTS, we would like to begin introducing current members of the Institute. Ed.)

Yasuo Furuya is Professor of Religion and Theology, Director of the University Religious Center, and Senior Minister of the ICU Church. Among his many publications are Daigaku no Shingaku (1993). His professional involvements includes work with the Association of Christian Universities and Colleges in Asia.

Yoshikazu Sakamoto is Senior Fellow of the Institute and Professor Emeritus of Tokyo University. His numerous publications include a 20-volume co-edited work entitled Nihon Heiwaron Taikei (1993). Among his professional involvements is Coordinator of the United Nations University Symposium on "Global Economy and a New Multilateralism."

Mark Greenfield is Professor of Physics. Deeply committed to peace and has been active in the development of sister city programs between the US and Russia, and, in international collaborative efforts promoting the peaceful applications of nuclear technology. One of his recent articles is entitled, "Energy Dependence of the 6Li(alpha,2 alpha)pn Reaction from 77 to 119 MeV" in Physical Review C46 (1992).

Jacqueline Wasilewski is Associate Professor of International Communication. Her research publications include "Culturally Sensitive Governance Within and Between Plural Societies Through Consensus Based Collective Problem Solving: Clues from the First Americans" in the Journal of the Japan Negotiation Association (1993). Professor Wasilewski is also Executive Vice-President for International Relations for the Society for Intercultural Education, Training and Research (SIETAR).

Students Tell Their Stories of New
Mexico (1993)

Hiroko Sannomaru
I do not know why they made (the

Atomic Bomb Museum at Kirtland Air Force Base). I was interested in seeing why such weapons were developed. I expected to see the museum's reasons for showing these bombs, but it did not explain the reasons why they exhibited them. They just show various kinds of bombs (including Fat Man and Little Boy) and the technology used to make them.

The museum does not mention anything about what is implied by the bombs. The problem is not just the bombs. If the bombs were actually used, the whole world would be destroyed. Making and keeping bombs lead to the possibility of killing other people. Without saying anything about these aspects of bombs, what is the museum trying to tell its visitors? I felt that the museum was built to make people believe in the justification of having weapons and using them. If people go to the museum and see the exhibitions without thinking much about the effects of producing and using bombs, they will probably get positive feelings about weapons.

Seeing those bomb exhibits, I remembered a story about a Japanese woman who experienced the air raids in Tokyo during the war. Whenever she hears the noise of airplanes now she is terrified since it reminds her of the air raids. I could not help wondering what she would say, if she had seen those bombs exhibited like that.

The old religious saying of the Native Americans introduced to us today was interesting. They believed their ancestors had destroyed several worlds given by their god. Their god became angry and tried to destroy the people. But before actually doing so, the god gave the people one more chance. People were given one last new world. However, if they destroyed it, there would never be another new world. So it goes that this is the last world.

This Native Americans' belief reminded me of the environmental problems we have today. The problems we have now are the result of what we have done. Also, the belief reminded me of the bomb museum. Human beings have been destroying the world by producing powerful weapons. I am bothered that the culture that had been given one last chance on earth was partly destroyed by those who are now learning and accepting this way of thinking about the earth. Often human beings cannot see the value in

something unless they reach a point of no return. Calculating the immediate results is easy, but we need to have a long term perspective.

When we had a discussion on the experience in Los Alamos, one question was asked, "If you are a very good physics student and was offered a job at the laboratory at Los Alamos, what would you do?" I think that it is hard for a scientist to not accept the offer. Personally, I think that those who worked there were not bad people. The wartime atmosphere and pure curiosity brought scientists to Los Alamos. I remember one scientist mentioning in his book that he was so excited about what they were discovering that he could not think of anything else. Maybe his curiosity did not let him think about the war, about killing people.

Yuka Kakui

I can't pinpoint my experiences nor my feelings in one word. The clo'sest that I can come to is "exhilaration..." The drive from Carlsbad to Albuquerque gave me time to reflect on my experience during the trip. I was awed by the immensity of the land and of nature. There is so much wisdom, understanding and happiness that can be learned from nature, that it seems self-destructive to go against it... My understanding of beauty changed. I used to take beauty at face value. That kind of beauty is fleeting. Beauty itself is eternal, and it involves all things that have life and exists in the relationship of each thing to the other in a harmonious evolution that allows time and space to transform some of the relationships. There is a sense of excitement in beauty. It is like the sensation of rediscovering breathing and feeling; it is there, but sometimes it takes ages to realize the power and inspiration it possesses...We met people who were active in their own community, who were interested in art, who were willing to show us their way of life. We say the various forms in which earth reveals itself and felt the power and the vulnerability of nature. It is only in our imagination that we have the illusion of controlling he environment. During this trip, the one most potent and valuable lesson I learned, but not the only one, is the pressing importance of living with nature.

See PROFILES, page 11

RESOURCES

(The Institute has its own library and materials acquisition program. These materials can be made available to the university community by making arrangements with the Institute staff. Below is a partial list of what is available. They are listed for reader reference and interest; information included on this page does not imply endorsement by the Institute. Ed)

thinking Peace (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1994).

Fujita, Kuniko and Hill, Richard, eds. Japanese Cities in the World Economy (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993).

Goldblat, Jozef, Arms Control: A Guide to Negotiations and Agreements (London: SAGE Publications, 1994).

Gordenker, Leon, and Weiss, Thomas, eds.

Soldiers, Peacekeepers and Disasters (New York: Macmillan, 1991).

Griffin, David, and Falk, Richard, eds. Postmodern Politics for a Planet in Crisis: Policy, Process, and Presidential Vision (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993).

Kedourie, Elie. Nationalism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell Publishers, 1993).

Miller, Lynn. Global Order: Values and Power in International Politics (Boulder: Westview Press, 1990).

Stjernfelt, Bertil. The Sinai Peace Front: UN Peacekeeping Operations in the Middle East, 1973-1980 (New York: St. Martin's Press,

1992).

Vasquez, John. The War Puzzle (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

1993).

Williamson, Richard. The United Nations: A Place of Promise and of Mischief (Lanham: University Press of America, 1991).

Woods, Lawrence. Asia-Pacific Diplomacy: Non-Governmental Organizations and International Relations (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1993).

"Midori no sabaku-shokurin ga kankyo wo hakai suru" ("Deserto Verde"), 29 minutes, monoral, NTSC/VHS, produced by FASE/IBASE (Brasil 1992), Japanese Version produced by PARC.

From the Reading List of Institute
Members

Cahill, Kevin M., ed. A Framework for Survival: Health, Human Rights, and Humanitarian Assistance in Conflicts and Disasters (New York: Basic Books and Council on Foreign Relations, 1993).

Kishima, Takako. Political Life in Japan: Democracy in a Reversible World (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1991).

Peck, Scott. A World Waiting to be Born: Civility Rediscovered (New York: Bantam Books, 1993).

Ruelle, David. Chance and Chaos (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1991).

Waldrop, M. Mitchell. Complexity: The Emerging Science at the Edge of Order and Chaos (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992).

Wittner, Lawrence S. One World or None: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement Through 1953 (California: Stanford University Press, 1993).

Books

All, Sheikh. The International Organizations and World Order Dictionary (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 1992).

Bell, Daniel. Communitarianism and its Critics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993).

Bello, Walden. Dark Victory: The United States, Structural Adjustment and Global Poverty (London: Pluto Press, 1994).

Boulding, Elise, ed. New Agendas for Peace Research: Conflict and Security Reexamined (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1992).

Brauer, Jurgen, and Chatterji, Manas, eds. Economic Issues of Disarmament: Contributions from Peace Economics and Peace Science (New York: New York University Press, 1993).

Burns, Richard, ed. Encylopaedia of Arms Control and Disarmament, 4 vols. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1993).

Cleveland, Harlan. Birth of a New World: An Open Moment for International Leadership (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1993).

Connaughton, Richard. Military Intervention in the 1990s: A New Logic of War (London: Routledge, 1992).

Curtis,, Gerald, ed. Japan's Foreign Policy After the Cold War: Coping with Change (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1993).

Dinstein, Yoram. War, Aggression and Self-defence, 2nd.ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).

Dominguez, Jorge, et al., eds. Democracy in the Caribbean: Political, Economic, and Social Perspectives (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993).

Elias, Robert and Turpin, Jennifer, eds. Re-

Networks

Asia-Pacific Peace Research Association

c/o Department of Humanities

Mie University

1515 Kamihama, Tsu, Mie 514 JAPAN

Buraku Liberation Center
2-16-14 Midorigaoka
Daito-shi, Osaka 574 JAPAN

Heiwa Center

746-3 Gaja

Nishihara-cho, Okinawa 903-01 JAPAN

International Institutes for Peace Education
Box 171

Teachers College Columbia University
New York, New York 10027

See RESOURCES, page 10

Video Films

"Saimu-kiki no karibu-saifu ni kusari wo tsukerarete" ("The Debt Crisis: The Unnatural Disaster"), 28 minutes, monoral, NTSC/VHS, produced by Phase Three Production (Jamaica 1990), Japanese Version produced by PARC.

"Kiriuri sareru tai-puhkketo-to no kankou-kaihatsu" ("Thailand for Sale"), 29 minutes, NTSC/VHS, produced by A Small World Production (1991), Japanese Version produced by PARC.

WORK, Continued from page 4

Publication of the journal Alternatives: Social Transformation and Humane Governance

Also beginning in 1992, the ICUPRI, in collaboration with the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in New Delhi, and WOMP in New York, became co-publisher of Alternatives. Published quarterly for almost 20 years now, the journal carries essays on the theoretical and practical implications of global structural change, explores not only the emergence of global economic, political, cultural, and institutional processes, but also the creative energies arising from local communities in various parts of the world.

As a leading forum for both critical and speculative ideas about emerging forms of world politics, Alternatives encourages a wide range of perspectives, thus challenging the enthnocentrism of modern social and political analysis, while highlighting the diverse experiences of peoples in a world of increasingly complex connections and exclusions. These diverse experiences are explored vis-a-vis the possible emergence of a humane global polity.

Peace Prize. Called the "Gandhi" of Indochina, his type of movement will play crucial role in establishing a lasting, comprehensive, and inclusive peace which would include the Khmer Rouge.

This permanent peace is the very basis
for the reconstruction of Cambodia.

Taken as a whole, and reflected in the titles of the papers presented and discussed, this international conference had mainly two distinct, but inextricably-related foci: the problems and prospects of the United Nations system, and the broader problems and prospects of the global situation. It is expected that a volume containing the revised papers will be published under the auspices of the Institute in the coming year.

LECTURES, Continued from page 6

The second part of the conference, held at the new Shonan Village Conference Center in Hayama, brought together a smaller group of Japanese scholars and the international participants of the conference, to deal in greater depth with the issues raised in the public symposium. Prepared research papers presented and discussed included Walden Bello's "The Asia-Pacific Region: Present Realities and Alternative Futures," Sergio De Mello's "Humanitarianism as Part of a Global Security Strategy," Hillary French's "The Multilateral System and the Challenge of Environmentally Sustainable Development," and, Stephen Mark's "The United Nations Human Rights Agenda: Limits and Possibilities."

Other papers presented and discussed included Ruri Itoh's "The Emergence and the Articulation of Women's Movements in a Global Dimension: The WID Movement and the Modalities of Empowerment," Yoshikazu Sakamoto's "The Long Transformation for a Democratic World Order," Pierre de Senarclen's "The Future Possibilities of Multilateralism From an Historical Perspective," Robert Cox's "Future World Order and the UN System," and, Stephen Toulmin's "The Role of Transnational NGOs in Global Affairs."

Papers by Rajni Kothari ("Globalization Versus World Order"), Jan Eliasson ("Limits and Possibilities: The Humanitarian Role of the UN"), and Yoshikazu Sakamoto ("The Role of Japan in the Future International System") were also submitted for reference but not discussed. Conference discussants included Toshiki Mogami, conference co-chair, Ken Kondo, Takeo Uchida of the United Nations University, professors Shin Chiba of the Social Science Division and Kazuo Ohgushi of the International Studies Division, and Lester Edwin J. Ruiz.

RESOURCES, Continued from page 9

Japan Peace Studies Association
c/o Hosei University 2-17-1 Fujimi
Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102 JAPAN

Medecins Sans Frontieres, Paris
3-8-27 Takadanobaba
Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 169

World Order Models Project

475 Riverside Drive

New York, New York 10115

THE SAITO AWARD

Beginning this year, the Saito Award is being established to honor the most outstanding senior thesis in the field of peace research. This award is made possible by a generous donation from Professor Makoto Saito, one of the founders of ICUPRI, who has devoted no less than fourteen years of his personal and professional life to the goals of ICU, and who commands the respect and admiration of both faculty and students. Students who write their senior thesis in this field are encouraged to pursue the kind of excellence that may be rewarded by this special award which bears the name of such a distinguished professor.

REPORT, Continued from page 5

tragic problems of mines and the still fragile and inadequate mechanisms for the defence of human rights.

Morevoer, they called for strong support from the donor community for all the initiatives already developed to overcome these problems.

Progress, towards overcoming these fundamental problems, these NGOs asserted, is essential for the truly sustainable development of the country. NGOs remain very concerned at the continuing high level of insecurity in some parts of the country and hope that all efforts to reach genuine peace will be supported by the international community.

A leading Buddhist monk, Maha Gosananda, who has been quite active in the effort to bring peace to Cambodia, and who led a march for peace in May 1993, was recommended recently for the Nobel

REVIEW, Continued from page 7

tions to participation. Much in the name of world order studies, Walker (p. 197) notes, actually reinforces the conditions and assumptions of its own marginality. There is within world order discourse too much deference to power, too much concern for the aspirations of career as opposed to the aspirations of the poor, too much control over the principles and concepts of global constitutional reform, too many assumptions promulgated about persons and cultures which have never been directly encountered, too little integration of the perspectives of women and those without academic credentials or political clout. All of this is understood and debated by those who have contributed to this volume, even if prescriptions for diversifying discourse and healing divisions vary widely.

Advocacy for constitutional reform and alternative systems of governance and security is a process not an event. As event, WOMP prescriptions can lead to facile endorsements of social movements and apolitical ascriptions for social change (Friedrich Kratochwil, "Constitutional Thought Versus Value-Based Thought in World Order Studies," p. 223). As process, WOMP can incorporate the understanding that constitutionalism involves "practices as well as texts" (p. 10), actions as well as prescriptions on behalf of a just world peace. Actions in the world complicate and even contradict the certainty of cherished assumptions, especially those buttressed by hegemonic assent, even those undertaken in the name of the democrati-zation of all areas of institutional life and culture (D.L. Sheth, "Politics of Social Transformation: Grassroots Movements in India," p. 283.). Democratic processes challenge the pedagogical and economic "truths" of schools and governments (Chadwick F. Alger, "Protecting Local Autonomy in a Global Constitutional Order" p. 267), actions of dissent and solidarity-all of this and more keeps concepts for global constitutional reform flexible and honest. Patricia M. Mische ("Ecological Security in an Interdependent World," p.105) notes that the earth does not, and has never, recognized our cherished concepts of sovereignty. Neither, we must add, has it endorsed our proposals for the reform of the planet's human interactions. If the proposals of this volume are to have the greatest impact, the dialectic between expertise and testimony must remain in force.

Burns H. Weston ("In Quest of World Peace: Law and Alternative Security," p.352) argues persuasively against the "crackpot realism" which dominates so much of the public discourse in our time. However, he joins the other authors in recognizing the need for policies which are feasible and not only desirable. Despite its arrogant pretensions to permanence and its authoritative rejection of a healthy ambiguity (Bateson, p. 250), the nation state may not be the source of all global problems (James H. Mittleman, "The Constitutional Element in International Political Economy," p.88). Sovereignties as operative categories of social life may need to be "pooled" or even strengthened rather than cavalierly discarded (Mische, p. 109). As noted by Ali A. Mazrui ("Human Obligation and Global Accountability: From the Impeachment of Warren Hastings to the Legacy of Nurenberg"), the painstaking process of creating international laws as barriers to the abuses of arbitrary power may need to accelerate despite the alienation toward those processes and concepts experienced by many cultures and peoples.

Understanding all of this, this volume boldly asserts that law and human community exist in an essential, dialectical relationship (Ruiz, p.302). Constitutional reform can assist in the prevention of warfare and other violations of power. Such reform can also assist in the process of stabilizing cultures and communities, as well as in the opening of non-exploitative economic opportunities. But laws alone will not allow for the renewal of disintegrated communities, places of political impotence, uncertain cultural identities, and limited economic options. The authors of this volume commit themselves, as actors and strategists, to the comprehensive healing of a complex planet and the many voices which demand to be heard on the planet's behalf. (Robert Zuber of Human Rights Watch, was formerly Senior Program Officer of the World Order Models Project. The volume reviewed here is part of WOMP's Transnational Academic Program. Ed.)

Research Institute field trip to New Mexico, my initial reaction was "why would anybody want to go to New Mexico?" The explanation offered did not help. It explained that during the ten-day trip participants were going to be looking at Native American issues and nuclear issues as a part of peace studies. Peace studies? When studying at ICU one finds his life saturated with such vague terms as these and develops a certain contempt, or at least suspicion. However, even with this suspicion I decided to take part in this trip, and in many ways I am extremely grateful that I did.

Why did I go on this trip? To see the horizon, which is something you do not see often in Tokyo. Living in Tokyo limits one's range of sight to extremely short distances. The possibility of seeing wider landscape was a motive for my decision. Though I had lived in the United States for almost ten years, I had not returned for over six years. I had a feeling that I had some unfinished business to attend to, perhaps something I had forgotten was haunting me over distance and time. Many members of our group also had similar, hard to explain, motives.

So, what is the bottom line? What did I see in my short time in New Mexico? I saw much power. Power which is in some ways analogous to strength. I saw the power of the individual, of the group, of the organization, and I saw the strength of the land. The strength of character of many people we met was wonderful to feel. Many of the people we met were in some way trying to make a change in society as a whole; for the various causes they believed in, or for the people who were affected by their actions, or for their employers, they were pushing ahead. One Native American opinion I heard was extremely interesting: leadership is shared responsibility; not power.

PROFILES, Continued from page 8

Taku Kimura

Everything runs together if you know where to look, but it is easy to ignore things, or simply not notice.

When first informed about the Peace
11

CONGRATULATIONS !

THE PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE CONGRATULATES THE ICU GRADUATING CLASS OF MARCH 1995.



	THE INTERNATIONAL CHRISTIAN UNIVERSITY PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE

	Toshiki Mogami, Director; Professor of International Law and Organization, Division of Social Sciences FACULTY FELLOWS Koya Azumi, Professor of Sociology, Division of Social Sciences Yasuo Furuya, Professor of Religion and Theology, Division of Humanities Mark Greenfield, Professor of Physics, Division of Natural Sciences Ken Kondo, Professor of International Journalism, Division of International Studies Lester Edwin J. Ruiz, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Division of Social Sciences Koa Tasaka, Associate Professor of Chemistry, Division of Natural Sciences Jacqueline Wasilewski, Asssociate Professor of International Communication, Division of International Studies NON-FACULTY FELLOWS Makoto Saito, Administrative Adviser to the Director; Senior Research Fellow, Political Science; Professor Emeritus of Tokyo University Yoshikazu Sakamoto, Senior Research Fellow, International Politics; Professor Emeritus of Tokyo University INSTITUTE STAFF f Masaki Tanaka, Assistant; Ph. D. Candidate in international Politics

	The International Christian University Peace Research Institute	POSTAGE

	3-10-2 Osawa Mitaka-shi, Tokyo 181 JAPAN Phone 0422-33-3187 Fax 0422 34-6985 e-mail: peace@icu.ac.jp



FEATURE ARTICLE

As a result of the end of the Cold War, ideological conflict is said to have been replaced by ethno-cultural conflict or even civilizational clashes. The latter appears to be existentially much more deeply rooted in human conditions than the former: while ideology is subject to choice, ethno-cultural community is what human beings are born into and thus precedes choice. Ethno-national conflict has become such an issue of overwhelming concern that not only renewed Cold War warriors, e.g. Samuel Huntington, but also peace researchers tend to define the fundamental post-Cold War conflict in terms of ethno-culture or civilization. For instance, the theme of the International Peace Research Association's conference in the fall of 1994 was "Intercultural Conflicts." But is it true that ethno-culture is the primary source of conflict in various parts of today's world? Are not ethno-cultural clashes a symptom or consequence of a deeper conflict, instead of the other way round? Further, is not ethno-cultural conflict a rationalization of conflict on deeper levels? There are several questionable points involved in the argument that ethno-national groups of different cultures or civilizations are bound to generate conflict, to fight, and to kill each other. First, although there are obviously significant differences among the cultures of different ethno-national groups, ethno-cultural difference is not the same as ethno-cultural conflict. The question that can rightly be asked is: Under what conditions will groups of different cultures come into conflict? And under what conditions will the conflict between these groups turn into violent conflict? This shift from difference to conflict and from conflict to armed conflict cannot be accounted for in terms of the cultural difference itself which is a constant. In fact, theories of conflict based on this ethno-cultural determinism overlook or ignore a number of instances where people of different cultural or religious backgrounds live together peacefully. For instance, in one quarter of Cairo, there are a mosque, a synagogue, and a Christian (Coptic) church which stood next to each other in peace. Recently, the situation seems to have changed with the rise of	MYTHS OF ETHNO- CULTURAL CONFLICT Yoshikazu Sakamoto Islamic fundamentalism-a fact which testifies to the shift from difference to tension and conflict depending on the factors other than the civilizations themselves. We may also ask why does a similar triad generate tension in present-day Jerusalem, while it did not before the outbreak of the modern Arab-Israeli conflict? Second, the very idea that there is inevitable conflict or incompatibility among cultures is a reflection of a particular type of culture. In the light of the bloody conflict in the Middle East or the Balkans, for instance, it has often been said that the conflict between Christian civilization and Islamic civilization is inevitable. It is simply untrue that Christians and Moslems cannot peacefully coexist in reality. It is, however, true that each has often been perceived by the other as incompatible. Perceived incompatibility with the infidel is a salient feature of the two religious civilizations because they share one particular characteristic in common, namely, monotheist universal-ism. In contrast, many polytheist cultures do not regard other religions as strictly incompatible with themselves but show a more or less eclectic response. In the Japanese culture which is traditionally alien to monotheism, for instance, many people are taken to a Shintoist shrine at the time of birth or in childhood, wedded in a Christian church, and mourned at a funeral conducted in the Buddhist tradition. Thus the very idea that the difference in civilizations will of necessity lead to civilizational clashes is a false consciousness which is a manifestation of a particular civilization characterized by aggressive, monotheist universalism. One may recall here Edward Said's critique of "Orientalism." At the same time, no one can deny that innumerable ethno-cultural groups did and do engage in conflict, war, and deadly struggle. If that is essentially not due to ethno-cultural differences, we must point to other reasons. The reasons are, of course, complex. Let us mention a few that	are fundamental. First, the historical legacy of the system of political and economic domination/ subordination or antagonism which was forcibly established along the lines of ethno-cultural division under the constraints of low productivity and the scarcity of resources. What is of crucial importance at present is not so much the reality of a zero-sum situation in the past, as it is the memory and myth about it. And the memory and myth tend to be invoked time and again to rationalize new patterns of political and economic contradictions. Second, one of the most powerful forces in modern times which gives rise to new contradictions and transform cultural difference into acute and violent conflict is the inequality and inequity resulting from capitalist development which is essentially uneven. If the disparity between the privileged and underprivileged, the rich and poor, the employed and unemployed, etc., largely corresponds with a difference in ethno-cultural background, the difference is likely to turn into open conflict. If the disparity exists within an ethno-cultural group, the discontents or the sense of insecurity caused by the disparity tend to be externally diverted by ethnocentric elements whether in power or alienated, through the manipulation of ethnocentric myths and symbols, presenting other ethno-cultural groups as the "other." The enthnocentric extremists are generally small in number at the beginning; their influence, particularly the emotional appeal, grows depending on the presence of structural cleavages. In the process through which ethno-cultural difference turns into ethno-cultural conflict, there is always an element of "imagined community" involved. Even in the case of inter-group disparity mentioned above, there are also inequalities within the dominant ethno-cultural group. Ernst Renan once said that a nation must have a sense of common sufferings despite the conflicts and divisions also to be found within that nation. In other words, the internal structure of the group is such that there are always fictitious elements in the "ethnic" or "cultural" conflict. (Continued on the next page)



(Continued from the previous page) Nevertheless, once an extremist in one ethno-cultural group kills a member of the other group because the victim was the other, the members of the latter group begin to feel that they are en bloc threatened because of their ethno-nationality and, in turn, threaten the members of the former group en bloc. Thus killing becomes the cause of killing, and killing "justifies" killing, because for each side killing has become an act of survival. This is what happened in Bosnia where a number of people of different ethno-cultural groups had peacefully coexisted, not en bloc, but as equal individuals. Collective identity tends to conceal internal inequality and inequity. Conversely, if the internal structure of each group is democratized, violent conflict between ethno-cultural groups will be minimized. If Serbia, Croatia, and other local parties are solid democracies based on a strong civil society, the situation in Yugoslavia would have been quite different. One may recall the thesis that a democracy does not fight another democracy. Ethno-cultural differences is not in itself the cause of "cultural conflict." So cultural difference and diversity will remain in a democratized world. A world with one single culture will be dreadful, just as a society with the people of the same personality will be a dysutopia. Ethno-cultural differences may cause a certain degree of tension, just as the existence of different personalities generates a degree of tension. But tension short of conflict can be a source of creative interactions, just as diversity of opinion is a source of creative democratic dialogue. It is true that the post-Cold War world is characterized by the unversalization of nationalism, as illustrated by the resurgence of nationalism in the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the Balkan peninsula, and, the reinstatement of ethno-cultural identity in the United States, Western Europe and practically in every region of the world. There is, however, a paradox in the unversalization of nationalism in the sense that it is an indication of the beginning of the end of the age of traditional nationalism. By "traditional nationalism" I mean the policy and movement aimed at establishing a	sovereign state that is identical to the unit of ethno-cultural national community. Precisely as a result of the universaliza-tion of nationalism, it has become unmistakably clear that building a sovereign nation-state in accordance with the classic principle of self-determination of every ethno-cultural group is impossible. If enforced, it is likely to lead to violence and bloodshed to the detriment of the very ethno-cultural groups themselves, as illustrated by the tragedy of former Yugoslavia. This holds true particularly in an age when universalization of nationalism coincides with the universalization of a rapidly growing international migration, including the relocation of refugees. Today, every country and almost every city has become multi-ethnic and multicultural. Clearly, the separation of political units and ethno-cultural units and the democratization within the political units are necessary and even inevitable if self-destructive violence is to be avoided. Mogami, Continued from page 1 financial support to the Institute. Surrounded by these supporters, what else could we do but sustain our own academic and professional efforts to try to move toward the real end of history?	PEAC EREPORTS: INTERNATIONAL CHRISTIAN UNIVERSITY PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE, Volume 1, Number 1
		Editorial Committee: Toshiki Mogami Lester Edwin J. Ruiz Masaki Tanaka PEACE REPORTS is published twice a year by the International Christian University Peace Research Institute (ICUPRI) located at 3-10-2 Osawa, Mitaka-shi, Tokyo 181, Japan. Telephone: (81) 0422 33 3187 Fax: (81) 0422 34 6985 e-mail: peace@icu.ac.jp Copyright © 1995 ICUPRI. All rights reserved.
		ICUPRI was founded in March 1991 to engage the university community in scholarly research and education about peace. In addition to its research projects and publications, ICUPRI seeks to stimulate national and international research and coopera-tion through lectures, seminars, and conferences, as well as training and teaching in peace and world order studies. ICUPRI is supported through the ICUPRI Research Fund established in 1992 from donations of the Mitsubishi Group as well as other contributors.
	Inaugural Issue ICUPRI is pleased to publish the inaugural issue of PEACE REPORTS. Succeeding issues will report on the work of the Institute. They will also include brief articles on issues of critical importance to the field of peace research, education, and advocacy. While this issue is all in English, it is the policy of PEACE REPORTS to publish in at least English and Japanese in the future. Contributions in any language from the university and the larger community of peace are encouraged although the final decision to publish the submissions rests with the Editorial Committee. Materials received will not be returned unless accompanied by a stamped, self-addressed return envelop.
		Editorial Bar Individual contributions in PEACE REPORTS do not necessarily reflect the official position of the ICUPRI. Inquiries may be addressed to the Director at the above named address.



WORK OF THE INSTITUTE

Research Projects The International Christian University Peace Research Institute's (ICUPRI) current globally-oriented and multidiscip-linary research projects, each in various stages of development, include:" Japan-US Relations in the Context of Global Peace," "The United Nations in the Changing States System," "Military-Civilian Conversion of Industries," "Peace Education," "Ethnic/Religious Conflicts," and "A Structural Transformation of World Order." The "Japan-US Relations in the Context of Global Peace" research project focuses on the relationship between Japan and the United States as a fundamental reality for any understanding of global peace. Through a series of sub-projects in the form of research meetings, members of the research project, including Professors Makoto Saito and Ken Kondo of the Institute and Professor Naoki Onishi of the Humanities Division, sought to clarify the status of the various academic fields in the US as part of constructing clear and accurate images of "America Today," as well as collect testimonies and proposals on the topic from the various disciplines. The results of the latter sub-project has been published in a volume edited by Professors Kondo and Saito under the title Nichebei-masatu no nazo wo toku-genba kara no shogen (1994). The "United Nations and a New World Order" research project focuses on defining the possible roles of the United Nations in the construction of a new world order in the aftermath of the end of the so-called Cold War, including the necessary institutional reforms commensurate with these roles. Through individual and collaborative research within and without the Institute, the project explores: i) the limits and possibilities of the nation-state system and its reciprocal relationship with the UN; ii) the necessity for institutional reform of the UN in the light of changing global conditions, including the implications of the rule of law; and iii) alternatives for "An Agenda for Peaceful Peace" as contrasted with the UN Secretary General's "An Agenda for Peace." Members of the project, including Professors Mogami and Ruiz of the Institute and Professors Robert Johansen of the University of Notre Dame and Kevin Clements of George Mason	University, expect to complete the work in March 1996. The "Peaceful Conversion of Industry, Economy, and Society" research project analyzes the changing nature of international society in the post-Cold War era particularly in the context of trends in disarmament and demilitarization; and studies the future roles of Japan as well as other countries in the light of the "peace dividend" brought about by the end of the Cold War. Special focus will be placed on 1) the problems of peaceful conversion in command economies like Russia; 2) the problems of conversion in market economies like the US; and 3) the problems of conversion in contexts where disarmament and demilitarization are not clearly apparent (as in Asia, including Japan). Professor Koya Azumi heads the project. The "Peace Education" research project explores and defines the educational implications of peace research, particularly in the context of university education. Currently, project members, including Professors Koa Tasaka, Mogami, and Ruiz, are almost exclusively focusing on the compilation of an introductory textbook to be used in ICU's Peace Studies courses. This textbook will include both original work by Institute members and key published articles in the field. The textbook will be both in English and Japanese. The "A Structural Transformation of World Order" research project, led by Professor Yoshikazu Sakamoto, explores the forces of internationalization represented by the market and the forces of democratization rooted in civil society as the underlying process of the ending of the Cold War. Each of these two dynamics has developed unevenly in modern history, giving rise to contradictions, particularly between capitalist internationalization and political democratization. The challenges these structures and processes pose to the state system, which remains the basic framework of the modern international order, are explored through individual and collaborative research in the form of conferences and research meetings with a number of scholars from around the world. Results of the project will be published.	ICUPRI Sponsored Field Trips In March 1993, and then again in March 1994, the Peace Research Institute sponsored a ten day field trip to New Mexico, USA. In conjunction with Camy Condon, peace activist and organizer of the Children's Peace Statue Project, fifteen students and two Institute members, each in both years, travelled to Albuquerque, Santa Fe, and Carlsbad and met with peace activists, Native Americans, and scholars, researchers, and scientists. The goal of these field trips was to provide students with the opportunity to see first hand key sites and installations that have played important roles in the research and development of conventional, nuclear, and chemical weapons and instruments; and to see part of the US southwest-its geography, ecology, and history. Highlights of these trips included: visits to Los Alamos and the historic capital city of Santa Fe; visits to Acoma and Laguna Indian Reservations; tour of Carlsbad Caverns; visits to the Nuclear Waste Isolation Project; White Sands, Alamogordo, and the National Space Museum. (See related article in this issue of PEACE REPORTS, "Students Tell Their Stories of New Mexico") The 1995 field trip will focus on the 50th Anniversary of the end of World War II with visits to key sites in Berlin, Warsaw, Auschwitz, and Prague.
		Cooperation with the World Order Models Project (WOMP) In 1992, the Institute established a working and cooperative relationship with the World Order Models Project (WOMP). WOMP is a transnational association of scholars and distinguished political figures from around the world involved in research, education, dialogue, and publication of material aimed at promoting a just world peace. Since its inception in 1966, WOMP has sought to engage the academic community, policymakers, and grassroots activists in the quest for peace, economic well-being, social justice, ecological balance, and positive identity. See WORK, page 10

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INSTITUTE PROFILES

Faculty Fellows (Membership in the institute normally is by invitation of current Institute members, and upon the recommendation of the Institute Director to the University President, and for a fixed term. In this introductory issue of PEACE REPORTS, we would like to begin introducing current members of the Institute. Ed.) Yasuo Furuya is Professor of Religion and Theology, Director of the University Religious Center, and Senior Minister of the ICU Church. Among his many publications are Daigaku no Shingaku (1993). His professional involvements includes work with the Association of Christian Universities and Colleges in Asia. Yoshikazu Sakamoto is Senior Fellow of the Institute and Professor Emeritus of Tokyo University. His numerous publications include a 20-volume co-edited work entitled Nihon Heiwaron Taikei (1993). Among his professional involvements is Coordinator of the United Nations University Symposium on "Global Economy and a New Multilateralism." Mark Greenfield is Professor of Physics. Deeply committed to peace and has been active in the development of sister city programs between the US and Russia, and, in international collaborative efforts promoting the peaceful applications of nuclear technology. One of his recent articles is entitled, "Energy Dependence of the 6Li(alpha,2 alpha)pn Reaction from 77 to 119 MeV" in Physical Review C46 (1992). Jacqueline Wasilewski is Associate Professor of International Communication. Her research publications include "Culturally Sensitive Governance Within and Between Plural Societies Through Consensus Based Collective Problem Solving: Clues from the First Americans" in the Journal of the Japan Negotiation Association (1993). Professor Wasilewski is also Executive Vice-President for International Relations for the Society for Intercultural Education, Training and Research (SIETAR). Students Tell Their Stories of New Mexico (1993) Hiroko Sannomaru I do not know why they made (the	Atomic Bomb Museum at Kirtland Air Force Base). I was interested in seeing why such weapons were developed. I expected to see the museum's reasons for showing these bombs, but it did not explain the reasons why they exhibited them. They just show various kinds of bombs (including Fat Man and Little Boy) and the technology used to make them. The museum does not mention anything about what is implied by the bombs. The problem is not just the bombs. If the bombs were actually used, the whole world would be destroyed. Making and keeping bombs lead to the possibility of killing other people. Without saying anything about these aspects of bombs, what is the museum trying to tell its visitors? I felt that the museum was built to make people believe in the justification of having weapons and using them. If people go to the museum and see the exhibitions without thinking much about the effects of producing and using bombs, they will probably get positive feelings about weapons. Seeing those bomb exhibits, I remembered a story about a Japanese woman who experienced the air raids in Tokyo during the war. Whenever she hears the noise of airplanes now she is terrified since it reminds her of the air raids. I could not help wondering what she would say, if she had seen those bombs exhibited like that. The old religious saying of the Native Americans introduced to us today was interesting. They believed their ancestors had destroyed several worlds given by their god. Their god became angry and tried to destroy the people. But before actually doing so, the god gave the people one more chance. People were given one last new world. However, if they destroyed it, there would never be another new world. So it goes that this is the last world. This Native Americans' belief reminded me of the environmental problems we have today. The problems we have now are the result of what we have done. Also, the belief reminded me of the bomb museum. Human beings have been destroying the world by producing powerful weapons. I am bothered that the culture that had been given one last chance on earth was partly destroyed by those who are now learning and accepting this way of thinking about the earth. Often human beings cannot see the value in	something unless they reach a point of no return. Calculating the immediate results is easy, but we need to have a long term perspective. When we had a discussion on the experience in Los Alamos, one question was asked, "If you are a very good physics student and was offered a job at the laboratory at Los Alamos, what would you do?" I think that it is hard for a scientist to not accept the offer. Personally, I think that those who worked there were not bad people. The wartime atmosphere and pure curiosity brought scientists to Los Alamos. I remember one scientist mentioning in his book that he was so excited about what they were discovering that he could not think of anything else. Maybe his curiosity did not let him think about the war, about killing people. Yuka Kakui I can't pinpoint my experiences nor my feelings in one word. The clo'sest that I can come to is "exhilaration..." The drive from Carlsbad to Albuquerque gave me time to reflect on my experience during the trip. I was awed by the immensity of the land and of nature. There is so much wisdom, understanding and happiness that can be learned from nature, that it seems self-destructive to go against it... My understanding of beauty changed. I used to take beauty at face value. That kind of beauty is fleeting. Beauty itself is eternal, and it involves all things that have life and exists in the relationship of each thing to the other in a harmonious evolution that allows time and space to transform some of the relationships. There is a sense of excitement in beauty. It is like the sensation of rediscovering breathing and feeling; it is there, but sometimes it takes ages to realize the power and inspiration it possesses...We met people who were active in their own community, who were interested in art, who were willing to show us their way of life. We say the various forms in which earth reveals itself and felt the power and the vulnerability of nature. It is only in our imagination that we have the illusion of controlling he environment. During this trip, the one most potent and valuable lesson I learned, but not the only one, is the pressing importance of living with nature. See PROFILES, page 11

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WORK, Continued from page 4 Publication of the journal Alternatives: Social Transformation and Humane Governance Also beginning in 1992, the ICUPRI, in collaboration with the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in New Delhi, and WOMP in New York, became co-publisher of Alternatives. Published quarterly for almost 20 years now, the journal carries essays on the theoretical and practical implications of global structural change, explores not only the emergence of global economic, political, cultural, and institutional processes, but also the creative energies arising from local communities in various parts of the world. As a leading forum for both critical and speculative ideas about emerging forms of world politics, Alternatives encourages a wide range of perspectives, thus challenging the enthnocentrism of modern social and political analysis, while highlighting the diverse experiences of peoples in a world of increasingly complex connections and exclusions. These diverse experiences are explored vis-a-vis the possible emergence of a humane global polity.	Peace Prize. Called the "Gandhi" of Indochina, his type of movement will play crucial role in establishing a lasting, comprehensive, and inclusive peace which would include the Khmer Rouge. This permanent peace is the very basis for the reconstruction of Cambodia.	Taken as a whole, and reflected in the titles of the papers presented and discussed, this international conference had mainly two distinct, but inextricably-related foci: the problems and prospects of the United Nations system, and the broader problems and prospects of the global situation. It is expected that a volume containing the revised papers will be published under the auspices of the Institute in the coming year.
	LECTURES, Continued from page 6 The second part of the conference, held at the new Shonan Village Conference Center in Hayama, brought together a smaller group of Japanese scholars and the international participants of the conference, to deal in greater depth with the issues raised in the public symposium. Prepared research papers presented and discussed included Walden Bello's "The Asia-Pacific Region: Present Realities and Alternative Futures," Sergio De Mello's "Humanitarianism as Part of a Global Security Strategy," Hillary French's "The Multilateral System and the Challenge of Environmentally Sustainable Development," and, Stephen Mark's "The United Nations Human Rights Agenda: Limits and Possibilities." Other papers presented and discussed included Ruri Itoh's "The Emergence and the Articulation of Women's Movements in a Global Dimension: The WID Movement and the Modalities of Empowerment," Yoshikazu Sakamoto's "The Long Transformation for a Democratic World Order," Pierre de Senarclen's "The Future Possibilities of Multilateralism From an Historical Perspective," Robert Cox's "Future World Order and the UN System," and, Stephen Toulmin's "The Role of Transnational NGOs in Global Affairs." Papers by Rajni Kothari ("Globalization Versus World Order"), Jan Eliasson ("Limits and Possibilities: The Humanitarian Role of the UN"), and Yoshikazu Sakamoto ("The Role of Japan in the Future International System") were also submitted for reference but not discussed. Conference discussants included Toshiki Mogami, conference co-chair, Ken Kondo, Takeo Uchida of the United Nations University, professors Shin Chiba of the Social Science Division and Kazuo Ohgushi of the International Studies Division, and Lester Edwin J. Ruiz.	RESOURCES, Continued from page 9 Japan Peace Studies Association c/o Hosei University 2-17-1 Fujimi Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102 JAPAN Medecins Sans Frontieres, Paris 3-8-27 Takadanobaba Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 169 World Order Models Project 475 Riverside Drive New York, New York 10115
		THE SAITO AWARD Beginning this year, the Saito Award is being established to honor the most outstanding senior thesis in the field of peace research. This award is made possible by a generous donation from Professor Makoto Saito, one of the founders of ICUPRI, who has devoted no less than fourteen years of his personal and professional life to the goals of ICU, and who commands the respect and admiration of both faculty and students. Students who write their senior thesis in this field are encouraged to pursue the kind of excellence that may be rewarded by this special award which bears the name of such a distinguished professor.
REPORT, Continued from page 5 tragic problems of mines and the still fragile and inadequate mechanisms for the defence of human rights. Morevoer, they called for strong support from the donor community for all the initiatives already developed to overcome these problems. Progress, towards overcoming these fundamental problems, these NGOs asserted, is essential for the truly sustainable development of the country. NGOs remain very concerned at the continuing high level of insecurity in some parts of the country and hope that all efforts to reach genuine peace will be supported by the international community. A leading Buddhist monk, Maha Gosananda, who has been quite active in the effort to bring peace to Cambodia, and who led a march for peace in May 1993, was recommended recently for the Nobel

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REVIEW, Continued from page 7 tions to participation. Much in the name of world order studies, Walker (p. 197) notes, actually reinforces the conditions and assumptions of its own marginality. There is within world order discourse too much deference to power, too much concern for the aspirations of career as opposed to the aspirations of the poor, too much control over the principles and concepts of global constitutional reform, too many assumptions promulgated about persons and cultures which have never been directly encountered, too little integration of the perspectives of women and those without academic credentials or political clout. All of this is understood and debated by those who have contributed to this volume, even if prescriptions for diversifying discourse and healing divisions vary widely. Advocacy for constitutional reform and alternative systems of governance and security is a process not an event. As event, WOMP prescriptions can lead to facile endorsements of social movements and apolitical ascriptions for social change (Friedrich Kratochwil, "Constitutional Thought Versus Value-Based Thought in World Order Studies," p. 223). As process, WOMP can incorporate the understanding that constitutionalism involves "practices as well as texts" (p. 10), actions as well as prescriptions on behalf of a just world peace. Actions in the world complicate and even contradict the certainty of cherished assumptions, especially those buttressed by hegemonic assent, even those undertaken in the name of the democrati-zation of all areas of institutional life and culture (D.L. Sheth, "Politics of Social Transformation: Grassroots Movements in India," p. 283.). Democratic processes challenge the pedagogical and economic "truths" of schools and governments (Chadwick F. Alger, "Protecting Local Autonomy in a Global Constitutional Order" p. 267), actions of dissent and solidarity-all of this and more keeps concepts for global constitutional reform flexible and honest. Patricia M. Mische ("Ecological Security in an Interdependent World," p.105) notes that the earth does not, and has never, recognized our cherished concepts of sovereignty. Neither, we must add, has it endorsed our proposals for the reform of the planet's human interactions. If the proposals of this volume are to have the greatest impact, the dialectic between expertise and testimony must remain in force.	Burns H. Weston ("In Quest of World Peace: Law and Alternative Security," p.352) argues persuasively against the "crackpot realism" which dominates so much of the public discourse in our time. However, he joins the other authors in recognizing the need for policies which are feasible and not only desirable. Despite its arrogant pretensions to permanence and its authoritative rejection of a healthy ambiguity (Bateson, p. 250), the nation state may not be the source of all global problems (James H. Mittleman, "The Constitutional Element in International Political Economy," p.88). Sovereignties as operative categories of social life may need to be "pooled" or even strengthened rather than cavalierly discarded (Mische, p. 109). As noted by Ali A. Mazrui ("Human Obligation and Global Accountability: From the Impeachment of Warren Hastings to the Legacy of Nurenberg"), the painstaking process of creating international laws as barriers to the abuses of arbitrary power may need to accelerate despite the alienation toward those processes and concepts experienced by many cultures and peoples. Understanding all of this, this volume boldly asserts that law and human community exist in an essential, dialectical relationship (Ruiz, p.302). Constitutional reform can assist in the prevention of warfare and other violations of power. Such reform can also assist in the process of stabilizing cultures and communities, as well as in the opening of non-exploitative economic opportunities. But laws alone will not allow for the renewal of disintegrated communities, places of political impotence, uncertain cultural identities, and limited economic options. The authors of this volume commit themselves, as actors and strategists, to the comprehensive healing of a complex planet and the many voices which demand to be heard on the planet's behalf. (Robert Zuber of Human Rights Watch, was formerly Senior Program Officer of the World Order Models Project. The volume reviewed here is part of WOMP's Transnational Academic Program. Ed.)	Research Institute field trip to New Mexico, my initial reaction was "why would anybody want to go to New Mexico?" The explanation offered did not help. It explained that during the ten-day trip participants were going to be looking at Native American issues and nuclear issues as a part of peace studies. Peace studies? When studying at ICU one finds his life saturated with such vague terms as these and develops a certain contempt, or at least suspicion. However, even with this suspicion I decided to take part in this trip, and in many ways I am extremely grateful that I did. Why did I go on this trip? To see the horizon, which is something you do not see often in Tokyo. Living in Tokyo limits one's range of sight to extremely short distances. The possibility of seeing wider landscape was a motive for my decision. Though I had lived in the United States for almost ten years, I had not returned for over six years. I had a feeling that I had some unfinished business to attend to, perhaps something I had forgotten was haunting me over distance and time. Many members of our group also had similar, hard to explain, motives. So, what is the bottom line? What did I see in my short time in New Mexico? I saw much power. Power which is in some ways analogous to strength. I saw the power of the individual, of the group, of the organization, and I saw the strength of the land. The strength of character of many people we met was wonderful to feel. Many of the people we met were in some way trying to make a change in society as a whole; for the various causes they believed in, or for the people who were affected by their actions, or for their employers, they were pushing ahead. One Native American opinion I heard was extremely interesting: leadership is shared responsibility; not power.
	PROFILES, Continued from page 8 Taku Kimura Everything runs together if you know where to look, but it is easy to ignore things, or simply not notice. When first informed about the Peace 11	CONGRATULATIONS ! THE PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE CONGRATULATES THE ICU GRADUATING CLASS OF MARCH 1995.